{"id":15752,"date":"2026-06-24T20:33:13","date_gmt":"2026-06-24T18:33:13","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/?p=15752"},"modified":"2026-06-24T20:33:56","modified_gmt":"2026-06-24T18:33:56","slug":"tantawi-4","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/tantawi-4\/","title":{"rendered":"Ahmed Tantawi: Egypt&#8217;s Authority Does Not Fear the Opposition. It Fears the Alternative"},"content":{"rendered":"<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">In an interview with Zawia3, former Member of Parliament Ahmed Tantawi discusses his political trajectory and his experience inside and outside parliament, pausing at key milestones in his career, foremost among them the &#8220;Hope Alliance&#8221; experience and the political and legal developments that followed. He also speaks about the behind-the-scenes details of his meeting with a &#8220;political leadership&#8221; figure in the state who warned him against continuing the alliance, and about the security crackdowns that have pursued him since the Hope Alliance and subsequently the Hope Current.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">Tantawi presents a clear vision of the nature of political opposition, affirming that its essence does not lie in remaining within institutions or settling for rhetoric, but in striving to present a genuine alternative capable of competing and changing the balance of power, not merely managing the available margins.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">He also addresses the nature of the relationship between authority and opposition, the limits of political space in Egypt, and what he describes as attempts to confine political movement within pre-defined spaces, in addition to his vision of the mechanisms of work within opposition alliances, the reasons for the stumbling of some of them, chief among them the Civil Democratic Movement.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">He also evaluates the national dialogue experience, clarifies his position on political participation under existing restrictions and the behind-the-scenes story of his resignation from the Dignity Party over participation in the dialogue, his vision of the constitution and constitutional amendments, and his position on running in the upcoming 2030 presidential elections.<\/p>\n<div style=\"position: relative; width: 100%; padding-bottom: 56.25%; height: 0; overflow: hidden;\"><iframe style=\"position: absolute; top: 0; left: 0; width: 100%; height: 100%;\" title=\"YouTube video player\" src=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/embed\/IMf3VeFepA0?si=wi1bhG4d0e3wsACD\" frameborder=\"0\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\"><br \/>\n<\/iframe><\/div>\n<hr dir=\"ltr\" \/>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\"><strong><br \/>\nLet us begin with Zawia3&#8217;s recent interview with former MP and lawyer Ziad Elelaimy, who mentioned your name in the context of the Hope Alliance. Would you like to comment?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">I feel it is my duty to offer some clarification and correction. There is a persistent tendency within the structure of authority in Egypt against the existence of what might be described as a &#8220;second man,&#8221; as there is a push toward a model that centralizes decision-making in one person, one voice, and one vision, with a clear sensitivity toward any figure who might be seen as an alternative or parallel center of power.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">But I prefer to return to the origin of the matter, because what happened was part of one of four major experiences in which I participated with the aim of attempting to present a genuine political alternative to this authority, which is what I consider to be the essence of the concept of opposition for me. I cannot describe a party, coalition, or alliance as &#8220;opposition&#8221; if it does not put itself forward as a potential alternative to authority; otherwise it becomes merely an entity that coordinates with it or works within its margins, or a current that operates as an undeclared part of its structure.<\/p>\n<blockquote class=\"wp-embedded-content\" data-secret=\"6QR09fV5s3\"><p><a href=\"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/zyad-elelaimy\/\">Zyad Elelaimy: No Real Opposition Without a Clear System of Governance \u2014 and Egypt Has Neither<\/a><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p><iframe class=\"wp-embedded-content\" sandbox=\"allow-scripts\" security=\"restricted\" style=\"position: absolute; visibility: hidden;\" title=\"\u201cZyad Elelaimy: No Real Opposition Without a Clear System of Governance \u2014 and Egypt Has Neither\u201d \u2014 \u0632\u0627\u0648\u064a\u0629 \u062b\u0627\u0644\u062b\u0629\" src=\"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/zyad-elelaimy\/embed\/#?secret=ymE2pZ7lSW#?secret=6QR09fV5s3\" data-secret=\"6QR09fV5s3\" width=\"600\" height=\"338\" frameborder=\"0\" marginwidth=\"0\" marginheight=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\"><\/iframe><\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">The Hope Alliance began in the context of the gradual closure of political space. The issue of ceding the islands of Tiran and Sanafir, despite the existence of a judicial ruling, and what I considered an explicit violation of the constitution and of articles of the House of Representatives Law and its internal rules, pushed me to raise a serious question about the usefulness of continuing opposition work inside parliament during that period.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">Then came the 2019 constitutional amendments, which deepened this sense, and I found myself more impelled to fulfill my political duty inside and outside parliament, by addressing public opinion, communicating with parties and political forces, and trying to push toward more serious political alternatives, despite my awareness of the complexities of the context and the narrowness of public space.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">From this point, discussions began within the (25-30) bloc, which included a number of opposition members inside parliament among whom I was one, and I made clear to my colleagues at the time that there was no point in our continuing unless we were going to seek to present a genuine alternative to the majority in the upcoming elections, meaning that we would be a political party striving to change the equation rather than merely remaining within it.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">But the prevailing view within the bloc tended toward a different conception, premised on the priority being the preservation of parliamentary seats, on the grounds that this was the maximum achievable in that phase, and that each MP was responsible for attempting to be re-elected, while other parties and political forces would handle the task of political change if they wished.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">I disagreed clearly with this conception, and I believed that settling for the role of preserving parliamentary presence, without attempting to present an alternative or opening the door for new faces and more capable young people, was insufficient.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">From this standpoint, I believed that our role as a political minority inside parliament must be clear: we express the other opinion, we defend it with all our strength, but at the electoral moment we must seek to become a majority, and if we succeed we are accountable to the people, and if we do not succeed that is the will of the voters, provided that the process takes place within a sound legal framework and free and fair elections.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">A long discussion ensued on this matter, and in the end my colleagues in the (25-30) bloc said to me &#8220;try it,&#8221; and the general assessment within the bloc, for many, was that the idea of bringing together the opposition in a single framework or transforming it into a political alternative capable of competing would not succeed.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">A series of discussions then began in meetings I held with three friends: Hossam Mones, Tamer Hindawi, and Mahmoud Habib. These meetings were lengthy and can be described as closer to an open political brainstorming, and they concluded with a central idea, namely the necessity of communicating with the &#8220;Civil Democratic Movement&#8221; as the framework encompassing opposition parties, and attempting to build a political alliance with it.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">At that stage, the scene was actually composed of two main axes: the first was the (25-30) bloc, and the second was the parties of the Civil Movement, with efforts underway to explore the possibility of merging these tracks into a broader and more organized political framework. Subsequently, discussions about the idea expanded, and agreement was reached on a more complex conception built on four pillars of this alliance.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">The first pillar consisted of MPs who had already managed to win voters&#8217; trust in difficult elections, even if they were not more difficult than the circumstances that followed. This pillar included MPs from the (25-30) bloc and other MPs who enjoy genuine independence in their political decisions, such that it would be clear that they are masters of their own decisions, not moving at the direction or guardianship of any party.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">The second pillar was represented by the &#8220;Civil Democratic Movement,&#8221; alongside any political party that puts itself forward as a genuine alternative to authority, neither a follower of it nor a partner in its management, but an independent party striving to change the existing political equation.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">We then added two more pillars in the context of expanding the idea: the third included public figures of presence and influence, particularly those with experience in positions of public responsibility and administration, who are commonly referred to as &#8220;technocrats,&#8221; alongside independent personalities not affiliated with any party and not enrolled under any existing political alliance. The fourth pillar represented a segment of January 25 youth, who remained committed to the idea of change, insisted on continuing despite the frustrations, and had not lost their faith or become politically &#8220;contaminated&#8221; in the sense that was feared.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">During discussions, the conception evolved into the idea that this last pillar could be described as those who &#8220;remained alive on the breath of hope&#8221; from this generation, which later paved the way for the name of the alliance itself.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">The preparatory meetings were held inside the offices of parties participating in the Civil Movement at that time, and continued for longer than expected. During this phase, colleague Hossam Mones suggested expanding the circle of meetings to include other figures, among them former MP Ziad Elelaimy, alongside a number of personalities who, in my estimation, were thinking in the same direction and sharing the general concern about the country, whether from within political work or from those with public experience.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">Multiple meetings were held with diverse groups of politicians, party members, and independent youth, until the idea began to crystallize of bringing these parties together in joint preparatory meetings inside the offices of Civil Movement parties. But these meetings extended more than they should have, in my estimation.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">I believed it was necessary to issue a summary or explanatory statement to be published for public opinion about what was happening, so that the space would not remain foggy and open to interpretation or misinformation. I was pressing clearly in this direction, convinced that the absence of official information opens the door to inaccurate or imaginary accounts of the nature of what was happening.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">In contrast, some colleagues believed in good faith that it was necessary to wait until a final consensus was reached before announcing, while I felt that long delay carried a real risk. At the end of that phase, the final meeting took place, and I had asked before it convened, through our shared messaging group, that the founding statement be drafted in advance in clear form, to be presented at the meeting and approved.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">At the meeting I did indeed announce my approval of the statement without amendment, but I was surprised to find that one of the party chairmen, who had in fact drafted the statement initially and had been one of the reasons for the delay and obstruction of the announcement, began raising objections to it, even though he had spent considerable prior time drafting it, and there had been no substantive amendments from the other parties.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">Despite this, he placed successive notes on it in a manner that seemed to me to be leading practically to further delay and reopening the discussion from the beginning, giving me a clear impression that there was a tendency to obstruct or prolong the announcement process without real justification.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">I affirm here that many of those present at that meeting were among the personalities whose history and role in national work we respect, and some of them have a history of struggle extending before our own generation, which cannot be denied or diminished in any way, but others were different.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">I pointed directly to the attempt to obstruct the issuance of the statement, and mentioned that I had waited a long time, and that I do not have personal relationships or special ties that make me hesitant to say what happens in meetings, or to clarify who was behind the obstruction of this path.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">The final meeting ended with agreement on setting an approximate date for announcing the alliance, and tasking a number of those present with logistical arrangements, such as selecting a suitable hall, on the basis that the name &#8220;Hope Alliance&#8221; would be a preliminary name open to discussion and amendment until the moment of announcement. This agreement was reached despite the presence of repeated attempts to delay and deliberately extend the time by some parties. I say this not as a judgment on this experience alone, but based on patterns that recurred subsequently in other political experiences.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">A few hours after the meeting, as dawn broke, I began receiving news of the arrest of several of my colleagues at the citizen services office, and my closest friends. I felt that what was happening was far beyond any prior expectation, because I had imagined, even in the worst-case scenarios, that the reckoning would be on my personal position or on what I said or did, not that it would extend to the closest circle of colleagues and friends who shared my daily work.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">What I had not imagined was that those who continued for periods ranging between two and three years inside the case would find themselves on this path without clear trials at the time, and with heavy charges circulated in some media, reaching descriptions of extreme gravity such as attempts to overthrow the government, treason, or collaboration.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">These were accusations that appeared in official newspapers and on the tongues of some writers in the national press, reflecting the scale of the media escalation in that period. They were the opposite of the charges that were leveled against them in the investigations. Among them were Ziad Elelaimy and Hossam Mones, who faced charges in other contexts within the same file or what was connected to it, despite the difference in the nature of the roles and facts.<\/p>\n<hr dir=\"ltr\" \/>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\"><strong>It was said that a meeting brought you together with the &#8220;second man&#8221; to warn against this alliance. What are the behind-the-scenes details of this meeting?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">During the period of preparation for this alliance and the coordination meetings, I received a call from the Speaker of the House of Representatives, who invited me to a meeting in his office, so I went and sat with him. This was part of my personal political conviction that tends toward what can be described as the &#8220;logic of a statesman,&#8221; meaning that political disagreement, however intense, should not automatically turn into a complete rupture.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">I felt it was my duty, at more than one prior juncture, including the Tiran and Sanafir file, to meet with those in authority, warn of what I saw as risks, and put forward alternatives to avoid what I considered to be historical mistakes with long-term consequences.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">The Speaker of the House invited me and posed a direct question: are you working on founding an opposition alliance with the aim of entering the upcoming elections? I answered yes, and when he asked about its components, I clarified that it included MPs inside parliament, alongside political parties and independent public figures.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">He also asked whether that had any connection to the work of the parliament, and I confirmed that the matter had nothing to do with parliament&#8217;s work but was political activity within the framework of public life. He clarified that he was asking only for information, and I proceeded to ask him whether there was any conflict with my duties as an MP or any legal violation, and the answer was no.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">After a few days, I received another invitation from him to a meeting, during which I was informed that this alliance was not viewed as a preferred or welcome idea. My response was clear that this was an independent political decision, and that it was our right, indeed our duty as opposition, to seek to change the existing political reality, given dissatisfaction with the performance of the parliamentary majority. I affirmed that the function of a serious opposition cannot be limited to adapting to the existing situation or coexisting with it, but must go beyond that to presenting a genuine political alternative, even if that means direct competitive confrontation with the existing authority.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">The &#8220;second man&#8221; referred to in the political system is the Speaker of the Parliament who constitutionally fills in for the President of the Republic in his absence. But what my colleague mentioned in his interview without clarification may cause a misunderstanding, due to the nature of the prevailing political structure, where it is automatically assumed that this concept is associated with security connotations or centers of sovereign influence, which is the opposite of the truth. The constitutional second man I met with was the Speaker of Parliament.<\/p>\n<hr dir=\"ltr\" \/>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\"><strong>Recommended Reading:<\/strong> <a href=\"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/khaled-ali\/\"><strong>Khaled Ali: The Post-January Era Is Worse Politically and Economically Than the Mubarak Era (Interview)<\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n<hr dir=\"ltr\" \/>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\"><strong>What are the details of the security strike that pursued the Hope Alliance meetings?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">Five of my colleagues at the citizen services office and my close friends were arrested. I did not treat the matter as an isolated event from the alliance&#8217;s path, but it appeared to me to be part of a broader context linked to an attempt to end this path in its cradle.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">In parallel, talk was circulating about the arrest of Hossam Mones and Ziad Elelaimy, as participants in the meetings, alongside five colleagues from my immediate circle who later became part of the case.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">We held a meeting after the security crackdown. I remember exiting the metro station and walking a long distance toward the meeting location in a state of profound heaviness, before arriving at a hall containing a number of national figures who had come carrying a conviction that what happened to our colleagues should not lead to retreat, but to continued effort.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">In that context, a long discussion took place that ended with an intervention from Dr. Abdel Galil Mustafa, who said to me his famous phrase: &#8220;Do not retreat if your destiny is to advance.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">I was in that moment feeling deep sadness, because even the (25-30) bloc, in my estimation, had not performed the role I envisioned during that phase, whether in terms of supporting the path or issuing a clear statement defining the nature of what was happening, and affirming that what was underway was an attempt to form a political coalition, not something else.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">At that stage, I found myself under direct pressure, including what Dr. Abdel Galil Mustafa raised, and &#8220;the duty of the responsible&#8221; to bear the consequences of the political decision. However, the Civil Movement itself subsequently entered a state of actual suspension, which temporarily eased the intensity of this test, after some of its parties decided to suspend their activity or reposition themselves in different political directions.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">The movement accordingly entered a state of stagnation that continued until 2022, when the President&#8217;s invitation for a national dialogue came, reopening channels of political communication once again, and prompting the first meeting of the Civil Democratic Movement after years of suspension, in an attempt to reunify the ranks of the opposition once more. From here a new phase began, differing in its nature and details, and encompassing multiple experiences in which I was a party.<\/p>\n<hr dir=\"ltr\" \/>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\"><strong>Recommended Reading:<\/strong> <a href=\"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/hamdeen-sabahy\/\"><strong>Hamdeen Sabahi: The Current Economic Situation Is a Result of the Defeat of the January Revolution<\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n<hr dir=\"ltr\" \/>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\"><strong>Why did you seek to establish the Hope Alliance when you were already part of a bloc inside parliament? And what was the position of opposition members inside the parliamentary bloc?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">The Hope Alliance was bigger than the (25-30) bloc, but at the same time it was treated, from the authority&#8217;s perspective, as a political movement that needed to be contained quickly, particularly given the perception that my driving of this path might make it a central point that needed to be stopped or weakened before it expanded.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">There was a tendency within the majority of the bloc to see what we were doing as raising the ceiling of confrontation with the authority, and that this path might result in us not being permitted to return to parliament at any subsequent stage. Some of the messages that reached me later were more explicit in this meaning, to the effect that &#8220;preserving current positions could be possible even with sharp political disagreements, but moving to the idea of building a broad political alternative and unifying the opposition might practically mean that opportunities to return to parliament would not exist.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">The conclusion stated to me explicitly in this context was that attempting to form a comprehensive political alternative and change the map of parliamentary representation could lead to our own exclusion from the upcoming electoral scene, regardless of the nature of the political disagreements or divergences.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">In light of this, my position was clear and defined, which led to a state of political rupture with my colleagues inside the bloc. I believed that the concept of a &#8220;bloc&#8221; in its essence means long-term joint work, and exerting continuous effort over years to try to maintain a degree of coordination between different parties, while seeking to prevent this framework from fragmenting or collapsing despite differing visions.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">But this moment was, in my estimation, a real test between two different visions: one that considers the primary duty to be presenting a clear political alternative that seeks to change the existing equation, and another that sees the priority as preserving parliamentary presence within the available possibilities, even if at the expense of the idea of transitioning to a comprehensive alternative. The statement sometimes made in this context was: &#8220;We are not a board of directors for thepposition.&#8221;<\/p>\n<hr dir=\"ltr\" \/>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\"><strong>Recommended Reading:<\/strong> <a href=\"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/mahanasser\/\"><strong>Maha Abd El-Nasser: Non-Essential Projects Must Be Halted in Favor of Meeting Citizens&#8217; Needs (Interview)<\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n<hr dir=\"ltr\" \/>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\"><strong>Were you actually prevented from giving your testimony in court about the Hope Alliance?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">The final scene in the Hope Alliance experience was inside the courtroom. There I tried to present my testimony about the truth of what happened, and several party chairmen bravely wrote their testimonies, affirming that what was underway was an attempt to establish an electoral political coalition, not the organization later given the name &#8220;Hope Cell.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">Before the trial began, I submitted a request to the Speaker of the House of Representatives to lift my parliamentary immunity so that I could appear before investigative bodies and take full responsibility, but this request was not acted upon.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">Despite this, I attended the first trial sessions and consulted with lawyer Khaled Ali, who asked me whether I had any reservations about stating before the court that I was responsible for this alliance. My answer was clear: &#8220;This is precisely what I am asking for.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">Khaled Ali indeed stood up in his pleadings and affirmed that the defendants had been meeting in order to establish a legitimate electoral political coalition, and that if the investigations described it as a &#8220;terrorist cell,&#8221; then the one they consider its leader was present inside the courtroom and ready to give his testimony, namely MP Ahmed Tantawi.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">This was said while I was present inside the hall, alongside my colleagues and companions, among them Hossam Mones and Ziad Elelaimy, in addition to a number of young people who had no direct connection to the alliance but were included in the case. Despite my presence and readiness to give my testimony, the court refused to hear it. I say this not to record a personal position or to flatter anyone, but from a conviction that the truth must be told as it is, without selectivity or flattery toward any party within the political elite.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">Whoever flatters people at the expense of truth commits the same mistake that is attributed to authority when it defends those close to it irrespective of facts or competence. Therefore, the duty of the opposition, in my estimation, is not to reproduce the practices it criticizes, and to remain committed to truth whatever its cost.<\/p>\n<hr dir=\"ltr\" \/>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\"><strong>Do you see the Civil Movement&#8217;s retreat from completing the Hope Alliance as a moment of betrayal, or was the problem deeper than that?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">I believe the matter goes beyond the idea of betrayal to a structural crisis within the Civil Movement itself, one that made it unqualified to perform an influential or significant political role. This crisis lies in the evasion of answering two fundamental questions: who are the members of the Civil Democratic Movement? And how are decisions made within it?<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">After the 2023 presidential elections, two chairmen of Civil Movement parties contacted me and informed me of a trend toward restructuring the movement, and asked me to assume the position of Secretary General after internal consultations and the formation of a committee to prepare a new vision. I clarified at the time that the matter was not about placing conditions, but about the need for clear answers to these two questions if the goal was to build successful and productive political work.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">The first question concerned the identity of the Civil Movement. Based on my previous experience, particularly in the Hope Alliance, I saw that some parties that had been counted as part of the movement later moved to the authority&#8217;s corner, participated in its alliances, obtained parliamentary seats, and then continued to present themselves as part of the opposition. So my question was: how is membership in the movement defined? And is it possible for one party to simultaneously occupy the position of partner in authority and opponent of it?<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">In my estimation, genuine opposition is not merely raising the ceiling of political discourse or issuing statements that satisfy the public, but striving to translate this discourse into organized political action and presenting a genuine alternative. Settling for words without attempting to change reality differs from the concept of opposition I believe in.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">The second question concerned the mechanism of decision-making within the movement, where decisions were built in practice on full consensus, meaning that the objection of a single party or even a single individual could obstruct a position affecting everyone. In my view, this approach led to political paralysis, because the absence of consensus meant the absence of decision, while each party moved independently despite remaining under the umbrella of a single coalition.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">I therefore proposed that decision-making be by majority, whether a simple majority or a qualified majority according to the nature of the decision, because experience proved that the consensus mechanism blocked important projects, foremost among them the Hope Alliance whose announcement was delayed for months due to the objection of a single party.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">My position was clear: no one should be held accountable for previous positions, but the definition of membership in the Civil Movement must be based on its members presenting themselves as an alternative to authority, not partners with it or followers of it. And if any party chooses a different political position, it is natural that this position be expressed clearly, because combining contradictory roles confuses the political scene and weakens the credibility of the opposition before public opinion.<\/p>\n<hr dir=\"ltr\" \/>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\"><strong>Recommended Reading:<\/strong> <a href=\"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/civil-movement-7\/\"><strong>The Civil Democratic Movement Puts Forward an Economic &#8220;Rescue Plan&#8221; for Egypt<\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n<hr dir=\"ltr\" \/>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\"><strong>You mentioned that a communication happened about your joining the Trustees Council of the Civil Movement. Why did this step not come to fruition?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">I believe a politician is accountable not only for direct mistakes, but also if they allow themselves to be lured or used in paths that do not serve what they pledged to the people. Those entrusted with citizens&#8217; confidence must possess vigilance and the capacity to read the situation, because political responsibility is not limited to good intentions, but encompasses good judgment as well.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">Therefore, when I see that some political positions are followed shortly after by the achievement of gains or benefits for those who held them, it becomes my right to ask: how can I accept managing an entity where it is enough for one person to have a certain desire or special calculations or a different assessment to obstruct everyone&#8217;s work? This, in my estimation, is a structural crisis that cannot be ignored.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">Between these milestones, the Civil Movement had already entered a state of stagnation since the Hope Alliance experience, and this situation continued until the President&#8217;s invitation on 26 April 2022 to launch the national dialogue under the slogan that the homeland accommodates everyone and that differences of opinion do not corrupt national unity.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">That was a moment of genuine crisis, and from my perspective the authority had become accustomed in such moments to propose dialogue invitations when it felt pressures or challenges, but previous experiences had not given me the impression that it was sufficiently serious about transforming these invitations into a genuine political process. Nevertheless, I believed that the opposition at that moment possessed an opportunity to press for transforming what might appear a formal invitation into an institutional political path that produces practical and implementable outcomes.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">For this reason, I engaged positively with the initiative, took the initiative to invite Civil Movement parties to meet, and prepared for them a draft statement representing a unified political framework that could be announced and negotiations with the authority conducted on its basis, with the aim of establishing clear foundations for a genuine national dialogue, one built on negotiation, reform, and the production of political outcomes, rather than turning into mere listening sessions or general discussions, which is what I see the experience ultimately became in its final form.<\/p>\n<hr dir=\"ltr\" \/>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\"><strong>How did you engage with the 2022 national dialogue invitation? And what is your assessment of this experience?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">In 2022, after about three years of the Civil Movement entering a state of stagnation since the Hope Alliance experience, the President&#8217;s invitation on 26 April for the national dialogue came. At that time, I was heading the Dignity Party, and I felt that national responsibility required the opposition not to limit itself to questioning the initiative or boycotting it, but to try to transform what might appear a formal invitation into a genuine institutional political dialogue ending in practical and implementable outcomes.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">Based on this conception, I invited the Civil Movement parties to meet and prepared a draft statement containing a general framework for negotiation with the authority, defining the rules and parameters of the national dialogue, drawing inspiration from the experiences of countries that had passed through political crises and used dialogue as a means of reaching genuine settlements and reforms.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">Despite this, three parties refrained from signing the statement, namely those parties that had participated in the 2020 parliamentary elections alongside the authority, then one of whose chairmen participated in the 2023 presidential elections in what I see as a specific political role, and who also returned to participate in the 2025 parliament elections with the support of or within the framework of the authority&#8217;s alliances.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">In contrast, seven parties signed the statement, alongside a number of national figures and political symbols, reflecting the existence of a will among a segment of the opposition to unify the position before entering any dialogue. I recall that when the matter of signing was raised, I asked that everyone be given a forty-eight-hour deadline to return to their parties and consult within their institutions, so that everyone who signed would be politically and ethically committed to what they signed, and the statement would not turn into a merely symbolic declaration.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">I also said clearly to those present that no one should be upset by this insistence, because the experience of the Hope Alliance was still fresh in memory, and had not been a happy experience in terms of collective commitment and continuation to the end. Therefore, my position was clear: whoever feels they will not be able to commit to what the statement contains, it is better not to sign it from the beginning, so the same mistakes are not repeated. As for what happened afterward, it has become known to all.<\/p>\n<hr dir=\"ltr\" \/>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\"><strong>Why did you withdraw from participation in the national dialogue despite your initial support, then resign from the Dignity Party and travel to Lebanon?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">I believe the real starting point was the statement of the eighth of May, which was not merely a political declaration but a document that laid down clear parameters for a serious national dialogue, drawing on the experiences of countries that had passed through similar crises. The vision was that a secretariat would be formed to manage the dialogue from national figures commanding trust, with the authority naming half its members and the opposition naming the other half, ensuring a degree of balance and independence.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">Within this framework, consensus was reached within the opposition on nominating Dr. Mohamed Ghoneim to assume the position of Secretary General of the dialogue, and I was personally tasked with communicating with him and persuading him of the mission. After lengthy discussions he agreed, based on the guarantees I gave him regarding the seriousness of the path and the possibility that it could become a genuine dialogue producing practical solutions to the political crisis.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">I also had an announced position in the meetings rejecting some of the names proposed to manage the dialogue, foremost among them journalist Diaa Rashwan, and I explained at the time the reasons for this position frankly before the participants. But what happened subsequently, in my estimation, is that the authority succeeded in drawing the opposition into preoccupation with procedural details, until the dialogue was emptied of its political content and converted into listening sessions or general discussions, instead of being a negotiating process ending in commitments and implementable outcomes.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">I hold the authority primarily responsible for this, as it dealt with the dialogue as a political tactic and a maneuver for crisis management. But at the same time I see that the opposition bears an important share of responsibility, because it accepted this path and did not insist on the conditions that would have been capable of transforming the dialogue into a genuine opportunity for reform, and this is what I considered my second greatest disappointment after the Hope Alliance experience.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">For this reason I reached the conviction that the Civil Movement&#8217;s decision-making mechanism does not qualify it to be a genuine counterpart to authority or an expression of citizens&#8217; aspirations, despite my full appreciation for the history of many of its symbols and their national struggles. I therefore decided to distance myself from the Civil Movement and from leading the party, so as not to be an obstacle to those who chose to participate in the dialogue without guarantees, and because I refused to be part of a scene that gives the political process a pluralistic appearance without genuine content.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">During that period I left the country for a short time to focus on study and examination of transitional experiences in other countries, with the aim of benefiting from their experiences in managing political transformations. With the approach of the presidential elections, I announced my intention to run gradually to open the space for coordination between opposition forces, based on my conviction that waiting until the last moment and managing politics with a logic of procrastination wastes opportunities and does not build an alternative.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">Before my return to Egypt, I was surprised by the arrest of my uncle, my maternal uncle, and fourteen of my friends and neighbors, in the third incident in which people close to me are targeted because of my political positions. Despite the advice I received to stay outside the country, my decision was to return, because I believe that whoever calls on people to bear responsibility cannot leave and let others pay the price alone, and that what I am demanding is recourse to justice and not submission to political retribution.<\/p>\n<hr dir=\"ltr\" \/>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\"><strong>After your return you engaged for the third time in an alliance with the Civil Movement again and consensus was not reached. Why?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">After my return, I consulted with various opposition parties about the presidential election, and the irony that astonished me was that the two people who most rejected in principle the idea of entering the presidential elections, when I called for a discussion of who was most capable and qualified to enter the race, were the same two who later announced their candidacies. Indeed, one of them completed the electoral race with the basic message that he was not the authority&#8217;s candidate.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">Nor did the irony stop there. Well-known and circulated meetings took place, and malicious and inaccurate accounts about them were later leaked by some of those who attended them, which I find regrettable. It is true that most participants came out and denied those accounts, but that did not prevent the circulation of information bearing no relation to the truth. Despite this, I preferred at the time not to respond or enter into a media dispute, out of belief that the phase required focus on the political goal rather than on side disagreements.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">I then returned to dialogue with opposition leaderships and told them that two people counted as part of the Civil Movement had announced their desire to run, and that it was better that the matter be settled institutionally. And although I was not a member of the Civil Movement except in my former capacity as chairman of the Dignity Party, and even after leaving the party chairmanship I had excused myself from membership in its General Secretariat because I knew that my insistence on the rules I demanded would not command consensus, some continued to consider me as counted among it.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">I therefore put forward a clear proposal based on resorting to a vote within the Civil Movement to choose a single candidate whom everyone would commit to supporting. I said that whoever accepts the result of the vote becomes the Civil Movement&#8217;s candidate, while whoever does not wish to commit is fully free to enter the elections as the candidate of their party or as an independent candidate, but there must be collective commitment to the institution&#8217;s decision.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">However, the Civil Movement was unable to choose a unified candidate, due to the same defect I had previously spoken about, namely that the consensus decision-making mechanism granted a single person the ability to obstruct the will of everyone, whether because they were unconvinced, or because they did not hold the authority to agree, or because they were awaiting other directives. I say this with the candor that respects decorum, and I speak only of events witnessed by those who were parties to them.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">In the end, the Civil Movement did not officially name a candidate, while ten parties announced their support for my right to run. My request of them was clear: if you consider this battle to be a battle for peaceful democratic change and the building of a state of law and institutions, engage fully in it, and call upon your supporters to sign powers of attorney and participate effectively, as you can contribute much more than that.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">Despite this, I recognized the limits of each party&#8217;s capabilities, and did not ask of anyone more than their capacity or what they could not bear, and the matter ended at that point.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">After the elections ended, the idea of participating in restructuring the Civil Movement was raised again, but I returned to posing the same two questions I had previously insisted on: who are the components of the Civil Movement? And how is the decision made within it? And I did not receive a clear answer to them, so the conversation stopped and this path was not continued.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">Following the elections and my being prevented from running, I agreed with a group of colleagues on launching a new political path, based on establishing a political party that would be the nucleus of a broader alliance, and then working to build a national front encompassing the various forces desirous of democratic change.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">During the conference at which this orientation was announced, we clarified that we would give ourselves a two-week deadline to conduct wide consultations before taking the final decision regarding the organizational form of the project, to be settled clearly after that deadline.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">However, the developments of October 7th and the regional events that followed imposed a different political reality, so we decided to hold a small meeting at the end of which we issued a video statement, announcing, in parallel with the publication of the results of an opinion poll conducted within the electoral campaign, that we would move toward establishing a party bearing the name &#8220;Hope Current.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">The vision was for the party to be a launching point for building a broader societal current encompassing citizens who believe in the goals of change but do not wish to engage directly in party work, with this current to represent a base for building a broad political front encompassing the various democratic forces.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">Our vision was that this front could accommodate the Civil Movement itself if it decided in the future to restructure and overcome the problems that had impeded its performance, so that it would become part of a more comprehensive national framework bringing together all believers in peaceful change. However, this path faced early obstacles, as the attempt to establish the &#8220;Hope Current&#8221; party ran into procedures that prevented the completion of its establishment, and these are the problems whose effects we still face today.<\/p>\n<hr dir=\"ltr\" \/>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\"><strong>Do you see what became of the Civil Movement and its members as something that was expected, or is the crisis transient?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">Leadership positions are not merely honorary titles, but responsibilities borne by their holders and a great burden, especially in the circumstances the country is going through. And I do not see the problem as lying in the members of the Civil Movement or in its leaderships as much as in its way of operating and the mechanism of decision-making within it. All the major political tests the movement faced did not succeed in achieving the goals it declared it was striving for, and the intent here is not to issue harsh judgments, but an objective description of the outcomes to which the experience led.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">And I believe this situation will not change unless the movement settles two fundamental questions: who are the members of the Civil Democratic Movement? And how is the decision made within it? Because continuing to operate with the logic of consensus, or what is called &#8220;concordance,&#8221; makes taking any real decision almost impossible, and numerous political experiences have proven that the consensus mechanism often leads to the paralysis of institutions rather than their activation.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">Of course, those working in the political field are susceptible to being affected and making mistakes, and a statement may be issued that is ill-judged or a position may be taken that is open to criticism, but the important thing is that the mistakes are the result of a genuine political movement being corrected over time, not that the state of stagnation becomes permanent.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">Today the Civil Movement is the most prominent heading encompassing a broad sector of the Egyptian opposition, but at the same time it contains parties that do not present themselves as opposition in the full sense, which creates a state of ambiguity. Nor can anyone monopolize the representation of the opposition, and the proof of this is that I personally, and the &#8220;Hope Current,&#8221; are not part of the Civil Movement.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">I do not wish failure for the Civil Movement, just as I do not wish failure for the authority either. I always used to say that we oppose without obstinacy, and that our role is to present the alternative rather than wishing failure on others, because the authority&#8217;s failure will be paid for by the citizen, while the success of any genuine reform will benefit all of society.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">But the question before the Civil Movement remains: is it ready to review its experience and draw lessons from it in order to develop itself? And does it have the readiness to benefit from international experiences and the experiences of other peoples who passed through similar circumstances in the paths of reform and building a state of law and institutions?<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">We are not the first society to face such challenges, and there is no need to reinvent what other experiences have already succeeded in doing. If the answer to these questions remains as it is, we will continue going around the same circle, which does not serve those with a national history within the movement, and does not serve the national movement in general, because maintaining a great name on an entity incapable of movement does not represent an addition to political life.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">And the truth is I am also surprised by the way the authority deals with the Civil Democratic Movement. This approach reflects a degree of excessive confidence and perhaps condescension, because political logic says that the existence of an opposition working within an organized political framework is something that any authority should be keen to preserve as part of the political scene, rather than treating it in this manner.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">When matters reach this stage, everyone must settle their position clearly: is the goal to work within a safe space that produces no genuine change, so that we continue moving in the same place without progress, or is the goal to take actual steps forward?<\/p>\n<hr dir=\"ltr\" \/>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\"><strong>Where does the Hope Current stand today? And is it possible to see a new political alliance led by or participating in the Current in the coming period?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">Talk of building new alliances must be preceded by the acknowledgment that the Hope Current faces restrictions that prevent it from exercising its most basic legal and organizational rights. There is a &#8220;rising curve of restriction&#8221; on every political step. Until now we are still prevented from signing powers of attorney to complete the procedures for establishing the party, which led us to file complaints about the inability of current members to sign the necessary powers of attorney, and we have not received any official response to these complaints to date.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">The crisis does not relate only to preventing the establishment of the party. There are colleagues still detained, while the campaign&#8217;s lawyers estimate that hundreds of supporters and backers were subjected to legal proceedings because of their participation in the presidential campaign, and as far as I am concerned, these are not merely numbers but people with families and lives who are paying the price for their peaceful positions. We are also prevented from even renting premises for the party, and many property owners who initially agree later withdraw from the agreement after a short period.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">I mention here a simple incident that nonetheless summarizes the nature of what we face. During Ramadan, four of us from the founding committee were heading to meet a group of Hope Current founders in Dakahlia Governorate for a collective iftar, and because the number was large, our colleagues decided to rent a place outside the city.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">But we were surprised upon arrival before iftar time to find the place closed and no longer available to us. We moved to another cafe, and as soon as we sat down the electricity was cut after a conversation that took place between some people and the owner, so we preferred to leave so as not to put him in a difficult position. We then tried to have iftar in another simple place, but it was also closed, and we ended up sitting on the ground to have our iftar.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">At that point some colleagues suggested we exploit the situation politically and broadcast it live so people know what is happening, but I refused, out of belief that we must act responsibly and not turn every situation into a media battle.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">Nor did things stop there. Afterward we headed to the city of Aga hoping to sit in one of the well-known and popular public places, but the management of the place suddenly apologized for not being able to receive us, even though the place was crowded with patrons. For me, this was not merely a passing incident, but a model of what the Hope Current faces in practicing the most basic forms of political work.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">I therefore say that we are not demanding special privileges, but natural rights: to have a party, to have premises, to meet with our members and founders normally, to gather or even have iftar together during Ramadan without that turning into a crisis. This is the nature of the reality we live in today, which makes any talk of political work or building alliances contingent first on providing the minimum of freedom of organization and public action.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">Despite all this, I hope that in the coming period we will be able to form an effective political front. What we face in terms of methods of prevention, restriction, and suppression is the price of serious opposition. In contrast, there are those described as opposition who have electoral districts drawn for them, spaces and platforms and arenas of movement left open to them, and who are even being prepared for bigger roles in the future.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">As for the opposition that genuinely seeks to present a genuine political alternative, it faces siege at every step. As for the Hope Current, the matter goes beyond the general siege to special and targeted treatment directed against it, as we are subjected to systematic restriction that prevents us from exercising our most basic political and organizational rights, from establishing the party down to holding meetings or normal communication with its members and supporters.<\/p>\n<hr dir=\"ltr\" \/>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\"><strong>Recommended Reading:<\/strong> <a href=\"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/ammar-ali-hasan\/\"><strong>Ammar Ali Hassan to Zawia3: The Press Is Shackled, Parliament Is Engineered, and the National Dialogue Was a Squandered Opportunity<\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n<hr dir=\"ltr\" \/>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\"><strong>Is it possible to see the opposition in a unified front in the coming period, including the Hope Current?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">I hope so, but I see that any talk of alliances must be practical, not formal. We must first agree on a clear mission, then see who is ready to participate in it seriously.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">The upcoming mission in my estimation is linked to the future of the Egyptian state, which faces several scenarios, the most important of which is whether the constitution will be amended again or not, because this decision will determine the political path in the coming years.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">I see that the forces that describe themselves as opposition and seek to be a genuine alternative to authority must unite around a specific and simple goal at this stage, which is rejecting any new constitutional amendments and keeping the existing constitution as it is, rather than entering side battles.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">We are not now speaking about the necessity of reforming the constitution or removing the amendments made to it in 2019, although from my perspective that is obligatory, nor are we speaking about the volume of violations related to rights and freedoms, education, health, or other files that could be discussed for hours.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">What I am demanding now is something simpler: to stop calling for constitutional amendment, because it is not an &#8220;exercise book&#8221; to be continuously amended whenever political circumstances require it. The fundamental legitimacy in states rests on elections and the peaceful transfer of power, while closed authoritarian systems try to replace this legitimacy with what they call &#8220;legitimacy of achievement.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">If the authority were confident in its popularity, it would have been natural to let Ahmed Tantawi enter the previous elections in genuine competition, even by imperfect standards, but he demanded only &#8220;a curtain and a ballot box,&#8221; and despite this, he and his campaign were subjected to prevention, restriction, and imprisonment.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">From here I put forward an initiative that I believe every serious opposition must take seriously: the formation of a &#8220;Front for the Protection of the Constitution.&#8221; Its goal is to send a clear message to the authority against embarking on any new constitutional amendments, and for opposition forces to agree in advance on a unified position if that happens, rather than repeating the usual debate about participation or boycott or waiting for guarantees.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">The goal is clear to me: preserving the constitution and guaranteeing the principle of the peaceful transfer of power, which is the requirement that should have been realized years ago according to the original constitutional texts. It is also the duty of the opposition to give the people a genuine assessment of the authority&#8217;s performance, and to request citizens&#8217; trust as a better alternative.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">The authority has made promises related to the terms of the presidency, public debt management, and improving economic conditions, and citizens have the right to compare these promises with outcomes on the ground, whether regarding the rise in debt, the decline in spending on health and education, or the various economic and social policies.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">When people lose confidence in authority and in opposition simultaneously, the risk of a societal explosion becomes greater. I therefore see that the responsibility of a serious opposition is to present a constitutional and peaceful alternative that preserves the stability of the state and spares it any risks.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">And personally, despite my desire to see political change, I want this change to occur within a constitutional and organized framework. And I believe the greatest achievement Egypt can witness is for Egyptians to see for the first time a former president handing over power to a newly elected president in a peaceful and democratic transition. This scene, in my estimation, does not represent saving the state only, but can also be the best guarantee for all parties, including the authority itself.<\/p>\n<hr dir=\"ltr\" \/>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\"><strong>Do you expect Egypt to witness a peaceful transfer of power in the future?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">I hope so, and I prefer not to speak with the logic of expectations, because the future is governed by many factors and variables, but I believe that the responsibility of a sober national opposition is always to push in the direction of achieving the peaceful transfer of power with reason and wisdom, even if the current authority has no desire for that.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">I also wish to correct a point that has been widely circulated, which is that I was imprisoned on a charge of forging powers of attorney, which is completely untrue, as this charge was not leveled against me at all. I am the first Egyptian citizen tried on a charge described as an &#8220;electoral violation,&#8221; the substance of which is that I asked my supporters to print and circulate one of the papers of the electoral process without permission from the National Election Authority.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">I remain committed to everything I said in my pleadings before the court, and I affirm that I did not commit a crime, and if time could be turned back we would do the same thing. All we did was ask citizens who were prevented from signing their powers of attorney at notary offices to retain these powers of attorney so we could deliver them to the National Election Authority, telling it that the data of their holders is correct and their signatures correct, and that it must either oblige the notary offices to authenticate them or itself approve them. Because of that I spent a year in prison with my campaign manager Mohamed Abu El-Diyar and a number of campaign members.<\/p>\n<hr dir=\"ltr\" \/>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\"><strong>Is it possible that you will run again for the presidency in 2030?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">I see that my duty is to continue presenting a model for a civil democratic alternative, but this alternative does not necessarily have to be embodied in the person of Ahmed Tantawi. And if asked what I will do in the 2030 elections, my answer is the same I gave before the 2023 elections: I will call on everyone to reach consensus on the person most capable of carrying the project of change.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">When I speak of &#8220;most capable,&#8221; I am not claiming to be better than everyone. I personally know dozens of people who I see as better than me in many respects. But unfortunately the tools of modern media have come to rely on extracting statements from their context to achieve excitement and reach.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">This also happened when I presented my economic vision. In the context of a large financing deficit, I was speaking about short, medium, and long-term solutions, and saying clearly that the state may be forced to borrow, but the difference lies in how this debt is directed toward productive projects that generate income from which obligations can be met and a return achieved that supports public spending, rather than continuing to revolve in the same circle.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">I also put forward a comprehensive vision for constitutional, administrative, financial, and institutional reforms, and spoke about restructuring state administration, but some reduced this program to sensational headlines or truncated statements, such as talk of selling the presidential plane, whereas the matter in reality was a small part of a broad reform project.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">I believe that Egypt is going through a crisis that requires a serious search for ways out and solutions, and whenever a door to reform is closed, we must search for another door, because the responsibility of public work requires us to continue striving toward constitutional and peaceful solutions that open the space for a safe and stable political transition.<\/p>\n<hr dir=\"ltr\" \/>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\"><strong>If someone from within the parties existing in the &#8220;available space&#8221; were to run in the 2030 presidential elections, could you support them?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">Simply, no. Let me be clear. I said previously, after being prevented from the 2023 elections, that I do not participate in validating a pre-prepared electoral scene, and I do not accept being part of a process presented to the people as free competition when in reality it is closer to a distribution of roles. It is not right for me to ask people to believe something I do not see as expressing a genuine and complete political will.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">The matter is not about individuals. Some people may command considerable respect or good intentions, but my problem relates to the nature of the context itself: are we before genuine political competition or before a politically managed and pre-defined space? When the boundaries are drawn in advance, and opportunities for presence and exclusion are determined within them, it becomes difficult to treat it as a complete free choice.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">There are those who see that participation, even within a limited space, is better than boycott. This is a political opinion that deserves respect, and each party has its assessment. But participation, when it leads to granting legitimacy to a scene I do not see as meeting complete democratic conditions, transforms from a political act to the lending of cover to an existing reality. And I see in that a form of deceiving the people. The authority, in my estimation, works to fill opposition seats with people prepared to perform pre-defined roles, their behavior guaranteed, who do not deviate from the script drawn for them.<\/p>\n<hr dir=\"ltr\" \/>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\"><strong>Do you see that lawyer Mohamed Abu El-Diyar is paying the price for his closeness or connection to you?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">I have already experienced that there are people who paid the price of their closeness to me, whether because of a personal relationship, a political conviction, or a principled position. And this is among the things that have pained me most to experience. But it would be a mistake in my view to reduce these people to being &#8220;mere followers of mine&#8221; or to suggest they are paying the price because they are close to Ahmed Tantawi.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">Mohamed Abu El-Diyar specifically is far greater than this classification. He is not a follower of anyone, and it is not right that he be presented in this manner, because doing so is an injustice to him before being an acknowledgment of the truth. And if I do this I am not doing him justice, but exploiting him and inflating my role at his expense, which is something I do not accept.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">When I write or speak about him, I mean his person and what he represents of position and conviction, not as an extension of me. And everything I wrote about him at the moment of his imprisonment was a sincere expression, and I remain committed to it, and I even see that he deserves more than that.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">But the more important thing for me is that the matter is not about one person. Mohamed, in the end, represents a model for everyone who refused to abandon or retreat from their position and, with respect to his role in supporting the detained and the political prisoners committee, he is a person with a cause and a principle, and he is paying the price for that with his head held high.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">At the same time, there is genuine pain from the idea that some people are held accountable or harmed simply because they are close to me or work with me. This is a burden that cannot be denied, but it is a reality that imposes itself and can only be dealt with by acknowledging it and insisting that what they do is not a crime, but a position.<\/p>\n<hr dir=\"ltr\" \/>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\"><strong>Regarding political performance, how do you view the current situation and the role of opposition inside the Egyptian parliament?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">In any normal political system, parties are the ones that determine their internal decision: who runs, who allies, and how the political process is managed inside or outside parliament. And when parties are genuinely self-standing, they make their own decisions, hold themselves accountable, and build their alliances according to a clear program.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">But when this genuine meaning of party decision independence is absent, and political participation turns into managed and pre-defined spaces, such that one party is told &#8220;you have this space&#8221; and another &#8220;you have that,&#8221; we are not before complete political competition, but before a constrained scene.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">The matter in its essence is not in the number of parties or seats, but in the extent to which there is a genuine political action that matches the discourse. Many programs are stated, but the question is: where is the action that proves them? Where is the capacity for genuine change inside parliament or in the public sphere?<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">When words become bigger than the capacity to achieve them, or when slogans are put forward that cannot be tested in reality, people begin to lose confidence, and the matter turns into what resembles a &#8220;political game&#8221; that does not reflect genuine competition.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">I do not ask of anyone more than they are capable of, but I say simply: whoever puts forward a political position must be able to justify it by action, and bear its consequences. As for anything else, it should not be presented as politically complete practice.<\/p>\n<hr dir=\"ltr\" \/>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\"><strong>Regarding foreign policy, you previously praised some of its aspects. How do you view it today?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">Opposition is not a permanent function, in the sense that when we see something positive, it is not right to refrain from acknowledging it merely because of our political position, just as it is not right on the other hand to resort to describing everything as absolutely negative.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">But at the same time, acknowledging a positive point does not mean overlooking the existence of a general assessment of political performance. Any administration in the world cannot be completely devoid of correct elements, that is inconceivable. But the general judgment is built on the overall picture, not on details.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">If we speak specifically about Egypt, there is recognition that its position, by virtue of history, geography, and demographic weight, imposes on it a greater and heavier role than what currently exists. The problem, in my estimation, does not relate to an absence of capacities, but to how they are managed politically.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">The fundamental matter for me is the presence of the citizen in the political equation, not as a marginal party or a burden, but as an active element in decision-making. The more this presence recedes, the more the meaning of genuine political representation recedes with it, regardless of the quality of some policies here or there.<\/p>\n<hr dir=\"ltr\" \/>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\"><strong>How do you view the relationship between Egypt and the Gulf states, especially at the political level?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">I see that this relationship, in some of its aspects, suffers from an imbalance, which in my estimation reflects an inaccurate conception of the nature of political management in the region.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">Egypt, by virtue of its history, position, and demographic and civilizational weight, is capable of being an active and influential party in the Arab framework, not merely a party that receives support or backing. At the same time, every Arab state has its status and deserves respect, regardless of its size or resources, as relations between states are not measured by this alone.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">But the problem, as I see it, is that this balance in conception is no longer sufficiently present, which has allowed in some moments a misunderstanding of the nature of roles, sizes, and mutual influence. And this is what makes some conceptions of the relationship politically undisciplined or inaccurate in expressing reality.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">I affirm at the same time that official discourse on such matters must be carefully calculated, because what is said at this level does not remain merely a passing opinion, but becomes a historical document on which subsequent readings of relations between states and different phases are built.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Ahmed Tantawi recounts the details of the Hope Alliance of 2019 for the first time: how the idea was born, who obstructed it from within, and what happened the night his colleagues were arrested. A frank conversation about the failures of the Egyptian opposition, and about the question the Civil Democratic Movement has yet to answer.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":15743,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"om_disable_all_campaigns":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[412],"tags":[16054,16041,15067,16050,16048,16057,16046,16051,16059,16043,16056,16058,16047,16053,16044,16052,16042,16045,16055,16049],"kateb":[5162,728],"class_list":["post-15752","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-politics-en","tag-ahmed-tantawi-2030-elections","tag-ahmed-tantawi-egypt","tag-civil-democratic-movement-egypt","tag-egypt-25-30-bloc-parliament","tag-egypt-constitutional-amendments","tag-egypt-dignity-party","tag-egypt-national-dialogue-2022","tag-egypt-opposition-alternative","tag-egypt-opposition-interview","tag-egypt-opposition-politics","tag-egypt-peaceful-power-transfer","tag-egypt-political-arrests","tag-egypt-political-prisoners","tag-egypt-political-space","tag-egypt-presidential-election-2023","tag-egypt-speaker-of-parliament","tag-hope-alliance-egypt-2019","tag-hope-current-egypt-party","tag-mohamed-abu-el-diyar-egypt","tag-ziad-elelaimy-hope-alliance","kateb-haidar-kandil","kateb-shimaa-hamdy"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/06\/\u0627\u0644\u0637\u0646\u0637\u0627\u0648\u064a.png","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/15752","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=15752"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/15752\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":15754,"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/15752\/revisions\/15754"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/15743"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=15752"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=15752"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=15752"},{"taxonomy":"kateb","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/kateb?post=15752"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}