{"id":16313,"date":"2026-09-01T19:38:23","date_gmt":"2026-09-01T17:38:23","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/?p=16313"},"modified":"2026-09-10T19:38:42","modified_gmt":"2026-09-10T17:38:42","slug":"media-reform-egypt-circular-path","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/media-reform-egypt-circular-path\/","title":{"rendered":"Six Rounds of Official Media Reform in Three Years. Zero Implementation"},"content":{"rendered":"

On August 20, Minister of State for Information Dia Rashwan issued an invitation<\/a> to Egyptian journalists and media professionals to broaden spaces for debate within the media, allow room for multiple points of view, strengthen the presence of citizens’ voices, and provide information and facts, in a proposal he described as a “necessary chat” from “an old and continuing colleague” in the profession regarding the state of journalism and media in Egypt.<\/p>\n

Rashwan announced<\/a> that the Ministry of State for Information is preparing to hold an annual meeting, tentatively on December 3, under the patronage of President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi, to review the state of the media, discuss challenges and opportunities, and produce recommendations for its development.<\/p>\n

The Minister of State for Information’s invitation, which he presented under the heading “chat,” comes as an implementation of President El-Sisi’s directive to open the floor to what he described as an “objective media dialogue” encompassing multiple viewpoints, within what he said was a readiness to revitalize party life and hold local elections.<\/p>\n

This invitation represents a new episode in a series of official and professional invitations, initiatives, and directives that have recurred over the past three years, carrying similar titles and promises to reform the media landscape, without many professionals in the field experiencing, as they say, a transformation or steps commensurate with the scale of what was announced. This explains the controversy Rashwan’s invitation triggered and the reactions<\/a> it drew from a number of journalists and media professionals.<\/p>\n

Despite differences in the names of the invitations, initiatives, and bodies behind them, these tracks have revolved around demands that are almost uniform. Zawia3 documented part of this repetition in its report<\/a> published last July, titled “Between Two Presidential Calls to Develop the Media: 21 Journalists Imprisoned and a Stalled Law,” and in the report “Media Development in Egypt: An Opportunity for Genuine Reform or a Repeat of the National Dialogue Scenario?<\/a>” Both reports contained the recurring demands: issuing a freedom of information law, enacting a law banning custodial penalties in publishing cases, amending legislation regulating journalistic and media work, improving journalists’ wages and professional conditions, releasing imprisoned journalists, and broadening the scope of freedom of opinion and expression.<\/p>\n

Yet the same demands return to the forefront of every new discussion, and official calls for development recur, which raises a question journalists repeatedly voice: Has the state yet settled on the image of the media it wants?<\/p>\n

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Milestones in the Path of Professional Development… and a Reform That Has Yet to Arrive<\/h3>\n

Since 2023, the journalism and media development file has witnessed at least six main milestones. The first was a session<\/a> on “supporting and encouraging freedom of opinion and expression,” held on September 3 as part of the “National Dialogue” sessions. It witnessed a tug of war between those present: the Executive Director of the Association for Freedom of Thought and Expression, Mohamed Abdel Salam, criticized what he described as “the monopolistic practices of Al-Muttahida company in the silence of the Supreme Council for Media Regulation,” calling for a review of freedom of opinion and expression laws, the halting of pre-trial detention, and the lifting of blocks on journalistic websites.<\/p>\n

By contrast, MP Ahmed Meqlad, a House of Representatives member from the Youth Parties and Politicians Coordination, rejected what he described as “unfounded accusations,” calling on the National Dialogue’s then-General Coordinator, Dia Rashwan, to strike from the session’s minutes what Abdel Salam had said about Al-Muttahida. The discussions also witnessed another confrontation following Senate member from the Coordination, Mahmoud Al-Qat’s affirmation that “Egypt has no political prisoners, only citizens who violated the law,” which provoked objections from a number of those present, particularly some who had previously been imprisoned in opinion cases.<\/p>\n

The session also saw other demands and interventions, including lifting the block on journalistic websites, issuing a freedom of information law, abolishing custodial penalties in publishing cases, and reviewing the situations of journalists in pre-trial detention and releasing them.<\/p>\n

The second milestone came with the convening of the Sixth General Conference of Egyptian Journalism, organized by the Journalists Syndicate from December 14 to 16, 2024, ending with a broad range of recommendations<\/a>, some urgent and others divided into implementation steps and phases. The recommendations were distributed across three main axes, covering freedoms and legislation, the economics of journalism and improving the economic and living conditions of journalists, and the future of the profession and ways of developing it.<\/p>\n

The Syndicate addressed these recommendations to the relevant bodies, including the Council of Ministers and the House of Representatives, before Journalists Syndicate Chairman Khaled Al-Balshy sent<\/a> the conference’s outcomes, in October 2025, to the Chairman of the Supreme Council for Media Regulation and Chairman of the Main Media Development Committee, Khaled Abd El-Aziz, with the aim of incorporating the conference’s recommendations into the committee’s work and using them in preparing its vision for media development.<\/p>\n

The third milestone was President El-Sisi’s directive<\/a> on August 10, 2025, to develop a comprehensive roadmap for media development and to draw on specialized expertise and competencies, alongside making data and information available to the media, particularly during crises and issues that attract public attention.<\/p>\n

The fourth milestone was the formation of the Main Committee for the Development of Egyptian Media by a decision of Prime Minister Mostafa Madbouly on October 5, 2025, before it began its sessions on October 14 of the same year, with the aim of preparing a report containing the results of its work, recommendations, and implementation mechanisms.<\/p>\n

The committee<\/a> concluded its work after more than 175 hours of meetings and discussions, with the participation of 66 journalists, media professionals, academics, and experts, distributed across eight subcommittees. On February 5, 2026, the Chairman of the Supreme Council for Media Regulation, Khaled Abd El-Aziz, submitted the final report and the committee’s recommendations to the Prime Minister, in preparation for presenting them to the President, thereby announcing the committee’s completion of its mandate.<\/p>\n

But approximately five months after the report was submitted, the media development file returned to official attention for a second time in less than a year. The fifth milestone came when President El-Sisi, during the inauguration<\/a> of the Egyptian State’s Strategic Leadership headquarters, “Octagon,” in the New Administrative Capital on July 4, 2026, directed that the media system be developed and that the floor be opened to “objective media dialogue” encompassing multiple viewpoints, alongside the holding of an annual meeting to review media performance, discuss challenges, and develop practical solutions strengthening the media’s role.<\/p>\n

These five milestones now reach their sixth, represented in the preparations for holding the First Annual Egyptian Media Conference, tentatively scheduled for December 2026, in parallel with Rashwan’s latest invitation.<\/p>\n

In this context, veteran journalist Yahia Qalash, former Chairman of the Journalists Syndicate, argues that the crisis of journalism and media in Egypt no longer needs more diagnosis or conferences, given the multiplicity of tracks that have discussed the profession’s conditions and ended in specific recommendations and proposals without translating into reality.<\/p>\n

Qalash told Zawia3 that he cannot understand the clear objective of the annual conference planned for December, asking whether it will become an annual occasion, similar to World Press Freedom Day, at which participants gather for two days to discuss the crises of journalism and media without clarifying what it will offer that differs from previous events.<\/p>\n

He adds: “The situation of journalism and media is known and diagnosed, and we all live with the results in one way or another. Journalism and media are in intensive care, and they are not an isolated island from the general scene, so the crisis does not need a new diagnosis.”<\/p>\n

Qalash reviews the tracks that preceded the invitation to the conference, beginning with the submission of the media file within the National Dialogue, even if in a form he described as “timid,” then the paper submitted by the Journalists Syndicate Chairman, then the Sixth General Conference of Egyptian Journalism, which discussed the profession’s crises and produced recommendations, a study, and a survey he described as revealing the conditions, then the presidential meeting that brought the media development file back to the forefront, followed by the formation of the media development committee.<\/p>\n

The committee included 66 journalists, media professionals, academics, and experts, working over months before concluding with a report containing recommendations and proposals, which the Chairman of the Supreme Council for Media Regulation, Khaled Abd El-Aziz, submitted to the Prime Minister, then to the President.<\/p>\n

According to Qalash, the multiplicity of these tracks means the state already has more than one vision for diagnosing the crisis and addressing it, making the core question about what the new conference can add. He says: “What will the conference do that all these events have not done? What can be hoped for from two new days after the National Dialogue, the presidential meeting, the media development committee, and the Sixth General Conference of Journalism? I have no answer to that, but I hope a genuine will to change this situation is available.”<\/p>\n

Qalash rejects the explanation that delays in reform are due to failure to agree on its form, arguing that the existence of genuine will would have prevented the debate from continuing for years without tangible results. He compares the repetition of initiatives to traveling on a “circular road” that begins at a point and returns to it without leaving the crisis or approaching its resolution.<\/p>\n

He adds: “I cannot imagine that the will was present and we then waited all these years. If we agree that there is a crisis, and that the media must reclaim its role, that cannot be a matter of disagreement. But the problem is that the vision that considers journalism and media to be part of the crisis rather than part of the solution is still present with those who hold decision-making power.”<\/p>\n

Qalash argues that this vision was behind the restrictions that brought the media to what resembles a “stroke,” converting the state’s soft power into a paralyzing force. He explains: “The media is an army that is supposed to be capable of fighting real battles, but it is now shackled and its troops are restrained, at a time when rings of fire surround the country from its various borders, and the country’s interior needs a media that fulfills its role in maintaining social cohesion during a pivotal moment.”<\/p>\n

He does not believe that repeating invitations without implementation can absorb journalists’ anger or public opinion, explaining that this possibility might exist if it happened once or twice, but its repetition produces the opposite result.<\/p>\n

He says: “When I have a crisis, then feel hope, and find no return on it, and the scene repeats a second and third time, I will reach the conviction that the matter is not serious. The outcome will not be the absorption of anger, but despair, indifference, and turning away from engaging with any new invitation seriously.”<\/p>\n

Qalash concludes that the issue is not a shortage of proposals or an absence of diagnosis, but a need to reconsider the premise that treated journalism and media as a problem to be restricted, affirming that restoring the profession’s health requires an executive will that converts accumulated recommendations into procedures, rather than adding a new conference to an extended series of dialogues and committees.<\/p>\n

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The Dialogue Architect Invites a “Chat”… What About Communicating With Journalists?<\/h3>\n

Despite Information Minister Dia Rashwan’s public invitation to journalists and media professionals for a “necessary chat” in preparation for the annual media conference planned for December, this invitation has not been accompanied or preceded, to date, by direct outreach to a number of those running independent journalistic websites, to listen to the crises they face, whether related to license delays, website blocking, advertising market monopoly, or restrictions on journalistic work.<\/p>\n

Zawia3 contacted four editors-in-chief of independent journalistic websites to ask whether they had received invitations or communications from the Ministry of State for Information to discuss media development proposals or participate in preparations for the December conference. All four denied receiving any communication of this kind, affirming that they follow news of the development initiatives and related events like the general public, without being involved in their discussions or having the problems facing their organizations heard.<\/p>\n

The absence of communication raises additional questions about Rashwan’s role, known in recent years for his ability to manage dialogues, particularly since his selection as General Coordinator of the National Dialogue. While he publicly invites journalists to speak about their crises, one editor-in-chief, who preferred not to be named, says that the communication channels that were open with him before he assumed the ministry position no longer operate with the same efficiency.<\/p>\n

The same editor-in-chief told Zawia3 that Rashwan had stopped, since assuming the ministry, responding to messages related to journalistic work, despite constant communication between them in the past. He says, in a account that cannot be independently verified: “I was one of his strongest supporters when he ran for the position of Journalists Syndicate Chairman, but my interpretation now is that he chose the path of the state, not the path of press freedom that he believed in or said he was defending.”<\/p>\n

The editor-in-chief asked: “The state is the one that blocks websites and prevents us from practicing our journalistic work, so on what basis does he extend the invitation to us as if we are the decision-makers? The invitation should be directed to the state, and he should demand from it a guarantee of press and media freedom without exception.”<\/p>\n

In contrast, another editor-in-chief offered a different explanation for the absence of institutional communication. He confirmed that he had not received any invitation to discuss previous media development proposals or to participate in preparations for the December conference, but pointed to continuing phone contact with Rashwan after he assumed the ministry.<\/p>\n

He says: “My personal view is that he is enthusiastic about moving the profession a step forward, but there are practical difficulties, the most important being that the ministry does not have specific powers, particularly with the existence of the three media regulatory bodies. There are also, in my estimation, bodies within the state that are apprehensive about opening any new space for the media, and view freedoms as unhelpful to authority at the present time.”<\/p>\n

The editor-in-chief called for testing Rashwan’s statements in practice, through attempting to widen spaces for alternative viewpoints, relay citizens’ concerns, and contribute to opening public space, arguing that this test would reveal how serious those responsible for the journalism and media file are, noting that the ministry’s role, until now, remains closer to putting forward ideas and managing a societal dialogue about the media, without moving to clear implementation steps.<\/p>\n

Despite the differences in the interpretations by editors-in-chief who spoke with us of Rashwan’s motives and the limits of his capacity to act, their testimonies converge on one point: no organized institutional communication has occurred with them to date to listen to the crises of independent websites and include them in shaping development proposals. This places the “chat” before its first test: will it transform from a general public message into a direct dialogue with those experiencing the crises, or will it remain an invitation journalists follow from the outside?<\/p>\n

[Requires confirmation before publication; right of reply: included only if the attempt was actually made.] Zawia3 directed questions to the Ministry of State for Information and to Minister Dia Rashwan regarding the absence of communication with independent websites and what the sources said. [No response was received at the time of publication.]<\/p>\n

In this context, journalist and union leader Hesham Fouad says he has not received an invitation to participate in any meetings related to Rashwan’s “chat” or the proposed annual conference, or even in previous initiatives or invitations, with the exception of the Sixth General Conference of the Journalists Syndicate, which was open to all journalists. He has also not heard, he says, of similar invitations being extended to other journalists.<\/p>\n

He told Zawia3: “I was not invited before, and I have not heard that anyone was. And if an invitation were extended to me, I would not go, because I see it as a waste of time and an attempt to polish the image of the ruling political authority, despite the authoritarian practices it pursues.”<\/p>\n

Fouad argues that the talk of the “chat” and the proposed conference expresses the authority’s desire to impose further control over the media, not to expand spaces of freedom or listen to the crises of journalists and owners of journalistic institutions. He says: “Political authority wants a single-voice media that stands as one man behind the presidency, but with the accumulation of crises, criticism escalates through social media platforms and opposition satellite channels abroad, and talk begins again about the importance of developing the media, but in the direction the authority requires.”<\/p>\n

Fouad expects the coming period to witness further restrictions on opinion, linking this to two reasons. The first is what he expects to be new economic decisions that increase the burdens on citizens, which, in his assessment, will drive the authority to attempt to nip any protest in the bud and halt discussions, initiatives, and satirical digital campaigns, including the “Qa’a Al-Hamour” campaign. The second reason he links to what he sees as preparations for launching a campaign to amend the constitution and extend the presidential term, starting from what he described as a “conference of achievements” that the President requested be prepared. He says the authority treats the crisis as resulting from citizens not appreciating the scale of achievements, rather than from the policies themselves.<\/p>\n

Fouad also believes that Dia Rashwan is positioning himself, through the “chat,” as a potential candidate for the position of Journalists Syndicate Chairman, arguing that this aligns with what he described as the authority’s desire to tighten its grip on professional and labor unions and push them to take supportive positions.<\/p>\n

He adds that the major deterioration in journalists’ conditions, resulting, in his view, from the absence of freedoms and pluralism, may be used to present “the Minister-Syndicate Chairman” as “the candidate of necessity” capable of providing support or financial privileges to journalists and their institutions. He warns that this could lead to “re-coffining the Syndicate,” after four years during which he argues it partially returned to the embrace of society, and its conversion back into an administrative body subordinate to the state in exchange for granting its members and institutions financial privileges in various forms.<\/p>\n

Nevertheless, Fouad doubts the Journalists Syndicate’s General Assembly would give its votes to someone he described as “the representative of the authority that destroyed the journalism profession and imprisons and starves journalists,” calling on the union independence current to prepare seriously to fight this battle if it is raised.<\/p>\n

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A File That Needs Will, Not Seminars or Plans<\/h3>\n

The presidential invitation to develop a roadmap for Egyptian media development, in August 2025, returned the file to the forefront of official attention, after years of declining freedoms and worsening professional and economic crises inside journalistic and media institutions. While the sources who spoke to Zawia3 in its report<\/a> “Media Development in Egypt: An Opportunity for Genuine Reform or a Repeat of the National Dialogue Scenario?” welcomed any movement restoring the role of journalism, they warned against the initiative becoming a new round of meetings and dialogues ending in non-binding recommendations, similar to the outcomes of the National Dialogue. They affirmed that the profession’s crises had already been diagnosed during the National Dialogue and the Sixth General Conference of Egyptian Journalism, and that what was required was not a renewed discussion of the same problems, but the declaration of a political will and an implementation plan with a clear timetable and defined responsibilities.<\/p>\n

The sources’ proposals included the release of journalists imprisoned in opinion and publishing cases, the lifting of blocks on journalistic websites, the issuance of a freedom of information law, the abolition of custodial penalties in publishing cases, and the amendment of the law regulating journalism and media and the legislation restricting journalistic work.<\/p>\n

The proposals also included applying a fair minimum wage, increasing the technology allowance, permanently appointing temporary journalists in national institutions, settling the situations of those without insurance coverage, and supporting struggling institutions and exempting them from some printing costs and debts. The sources also called for a reformulation of the relationship between the state and the media, the involvement of the Journalists Syndicate and young journalists in developing the development plan, the separation of editorial from commercial management, the training of content producers, the development of digital and specialized journalism, and the establishment of a negotiating umbrella with technology companies to ensure journalistic institutions receive fair compensation for the use of their content.<\/p>\n

The concerns of the sources who spoke to the report were centered on political and legislative restrictions continuing while the relevant bodies were occupied producing new recommendations, so the initiative would meet the fate of the National Dialogue’s outcomes, much of which did not translate into tangible measures.<\/p>\n

Journalist and union leader Viola Fahmi says she has no information about the names that will be invited to the annual media conference, or the criteria that will determine participants and those excluded, noting that she has not yet received any invitation, even if she considers the time still early given the three or four months remaining before it convenes.<\/p>\n

She told Zawia3 that she receives invitations from various bodies to participate in meetings discussing press freedom, professional development, and the crises journalists face, but has not received an invitation from the Ministry of State for Information since Dia Rashwan assumed its leadership. She was also not invited to the listening sessions or discussions held by the Main Committee for Media Development during the past months.<\/p>\n

Despite this, Viola Fahmi does not see the crisis as lying in the exclusion or non-invitation of some, but in the repetition of conferences and meetings that discuss problems that have been diagnosed repeatedly and for which clear solutions and proposals have been developed, without them moving into the sphere of implementation. She says: “We do not need more conferences, meetings, or sessions. We face a continuous distraction that has gone on for years. We discussed the freedom of information law in three or four sessions within the National Dialogue, I spoke in one of them and submitted a paper the axis coordinators described as strong, and still nothing happened.”<\/p>\n

She points out that the Sixth General Conference of Egyptian Journalism was the clearest experience in diagnosing the profession’s crises, as participants discussed its various problems, developed solutions, proposals, and recommendations announced in the closing session, then sent to the relevant bodies including the Council of Ministers, and she believes they also reached the Presidency of the Republic, without the core files moving.<\/p>\n

She adds: “Why reinvent the wheel, and sit again to discuss the same problems, present the same solutions, write the same recommendations, then submit them to the relevant bodies, before waiting two or three years and starting the circle again? The files, solutions, and proposals are all there, and what they lack is only the will to implement.”<\/p>\n

Fahmi describes this course as an “absurd scene” and “a vicious circle,” despite her respect for declared rhetoric and her confidence in the sincerity of some participants in development initiatives. She argues that continuing to circle inside this loop without tangible results has stripped new conferences of their ability to inspire hope or produce change.<\/p>\n

Viola cites the crisis of approximately 400 temporary journalists in national journalistic institutions, considering it one of the simplest files that could have been settled. She says these journalists underwent tests and interviews within the National Press Authority, but the file ultimately returned to square zero, asking: “If we are unable to resolve the crisis of appointing these colleagues, how will we speak of comprehensive development of journalism and media?” She affirms that she is among the supporters of any positive step capable of stirring the stagnant waters, but considers that the repetition of conferences has exceeded its limits, and that the priority is no longer holding new meetings but providing genuine will to expand the margin of freedom.<\/p>\n

She adds: “This profession feeds on freedom. If freedom is absent, there will be no profession called journalism. What is required is for journalists to discuss issues seriously and objectively, for red lines to recede to their minimum, and for no one to be imprisoned over a post or an article to be barred from publication.”<\/p>\n

On the reasons for the contradiction between official invitations to develop the media and the continued stalling of recommendations, journalist Viola Fahmi argues that the state is witnessing “a conflict of wills.” She explains that there is a will at the highest level, represented in President El-Sisi’s repeated statements about allowing multiple viewpoints, giving new generations a chance, and doing justice to the journalism profession. But this will, in her estimation, collides with other wills within state institutions that oppose the expansion of the media sphere and work to delay or freeze files.<\/p>\n

She adds that the file of imprisoned journalists represents one of the clearest examples of this obstruction, asking whether the time has come to clear the prisons of journalists, opinion writers, and all those imprisoned because of their expression of opinion.<\/p>\n

Viola attributes the resistance to expanding the margin of freedom to the belief of bodies within the state that opening public space may threaten political security, particularly given the crises and regional wars surrounding Egypt. She also argues that the events of the January 25 revolution are still used as a “scarecrow” to warn against granting citizens a wider space for expression.<\/p>\n

Fahmi concludes that the problem is not the absence of visions or a shortage of proposals, but a conflict of wills and the absence of a clear decision to implement, affirming that any new conference will not make a difference unless it begins by moving existing files, expanding the margin of press freedom, and converting accumulated recommendations into measurable measures.<\/p>\n

In the end, after five milestones of dialogues, conferences, and committees, and with preparations underway for the sixth, journalists and union leaders argue that the crisis of Egyptian media no longer lies in a shortage of diagnosis or an absence of solutions, but in the absence of the will capable of transferring proposals from papers into reality. Otherwise, the “chat” becomes a new milestone on the same circular road, and the December conference ends with the fate of the National Dialogue recommendations that preceded it.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Since 2023, Egypt’s media reform file has passed through six official stages with 175 hours of committee discussions, yet the same demands for press freedom, information access laws, and journalists’ release remain unimplemented, as independent editors deny receiving any invitation to Rashwan’s latest consultation.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":16232,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"om_disable_all_campaigns":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[412],"tags":[17350,17343,17347,17342,10132,17344,17349,17348,17346,17345],"kateb":[728],"class_list":["post-16313","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-politics-en","tag-al-muttahida-media-egypt","tag-dia-rashwan-media-minister","tag-egypt-journalists-imprisoned","tag-egypt-media-reform","tag-egypt-press-freedom","tag-egyptian-journalism-development","tag-egyptian-journalists-syndicate","tag-freedom-of-information-egypt","tag-media-committee-egypt-2025","tag-national-dialogue-egypt-media","kateb-shimaa-hamdy"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/08\/\u0636\u064a\u0627\u0621-\u0631\u0634\u0648\u0627\u0646-1.png","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/16313","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=16313"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/16313\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":16314,"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/16313\/revisions\/16314"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/16232"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=16313"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=16313"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=16313"},{"taxonomy":"kateb","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/kateb?post=16313"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}