{"id":16587,"date":"2023-01-30T08:30:39","date_gmt":"2023-01-30T06:30:39","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/?p=16587"},"modified":"2026-10-05T08:44:31","modified_gmt":"2026-10-05T06:44:31","slug":"the-army-empire","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/the-army-empire\/","title":{"rendered":"Everything We Know About the Egyptian Military&#8217;s Economic Empire"},"content":{"rendered":"<p dir=\"ltr\">On January 10, the IMF published <a href=\"https:\/\/www.imf.org\/en\/Publications\/CR\/Issues\/2023\/01\/06\/Arab-Republic-of-Egypt-Request-for-Extended-Arrangement-Under-the-Extended-Fund-Facility-527849\">its experts&#8217; report<\/a> on Egypt&#8217;s new loan agreement worth three billion dollars, and in its annex the memorandum of economic and financial policies that the Egyptian government pledged in exchange for the loan. Among the lines of the memorandum sits a commitment no Egyptian government has ever signed before an international body: that &#8220;the definition of the state&#8221; in the state ownership policy document would include all entities wholly or partially owned by a state-affiliated body regardless of the institutional framework under which they were established, that companies owned by the military are named explicitly among what this definition covers alongside public sector and public business sector companies and economic authorities, that tax exemptions for all these entities would be lifted, and that they would submit semi-annual financial accounts to the Ministry of Finance for public release, and that their senior officials would submit asset disclosures, <a href=\"https:\/\/carnegieendowment.org\/middle-east\/diwan\/2023\/01\/to-receive-an-imf-loan-egypt-pledges-to-end-the-unique-status-of-its-military-companies\">according to a reading<\/a> by Yezid Sayigh, researcher at the Carnegie Middle East Center, of the report and memorandum. President Abd El-Fattah Al-Sisi had adopted the state ownership policy document on December 29, days before the publication of the agreement that treats it as a structural benchmark for assessing compliance.<\/p>\n<div style=\"width: 100%;\"><iframe id=\"zw-em1\" style=\"border: none; display: block; width: 100%;\" src=\"https:\/\/agamalziada.github.io\/military-economy\/en-mil-chart1-estimates.html\" width=\"100%\" height=\"420\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\"><\/iframe><script>!function(){var e=document.getElementById(\"zw-em1\");window.addEventListener(\"message\",function(m){if(m.data&&m.data.type===\"chartResize\"&&m.source===e.contentWindow)e.style.height=m.data.height+\"px\";});}();<\/script><\/div>\n<p dir=\"ltr\">This investigation reassembles what journalism, researchers, and official documents know about this economy whose owner denies its scale yet simultaneously refuses to allow it to be counted, from the first official estimate of its size to the most recent promise to list its companies on the stock exchange, at the moment it has become, for the first time, an item in an international agreement.<\/p>\n<div class=\"z3-article-separator\" role=\"separator\" aria-label=\"Section divider\"><svg xmlns=\"http:\/\/www.w3.org\/2000\/svg\" viewBox=\"0 140 4269 130\" preserveAspectRatio=\"xMidYMid meet\" aria-hidden=\"true\" focusable=\"false\"><path d=\"M120 211H4149\" fill=\"none\" stroke=\"#7e7e7e\" stroke-width=\"10\"\/><circle cx=\"1718\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"1718\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"1930\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"1930\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"2142\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"2142\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"2354\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"2354\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"2566\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"2566\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><\/svg><\/div>\n<h3 dir=\"ltr\">The Number Nobody Has<\/h3>\n<p dir=\"ltr\">No single agreed figure exists for the size of the Egyptian Armed Forces&#8217; economic activity, and all circulating figures come from three sources none of which can be verified: the presidency, the military establishment itself, and external estimates. On December 24, 2016, at the opening ceremony of expansions at the El-Nasr Company for Intermediate Chemicals in Abu Rawash in Giza, a company affiliated with the National Service Projects Organization, <a href=\"https:\/\/gulfnews.com\/business\/egypts-al-sissi-says-military-accounts-for-15-2-of-economy-1.1951111\">Al-Sisi said<\/a> that the military&#8217;s economic activity represents between 1.5 and 2 percent of a GDP he estimated at three to four trillion Egyptian pounds, and that he had heard the military&#8217;s economy was said to equal twenty or even fifty percent of the economy, adding: &#8220;If only,&#8221; and affirming that the military pays taxes on all its projects and is subject to oversight. By the calculations the president himself offered, that meant activity of between 45 and 80 billion Egyptian pounds per year (between $2.4 and $4.3 billion at that day&#8217;s exchange rate), a figure for which not a single official document has been produced to support or break down.<\/p>\n<div style=\"width: 100%;\"><iframe id=\"zw-em2\" style=\"border: none; display: block; width: 100%;\" src=\"https:\/\/agamalziada.github.io\/military-economy\/en-mil-chart2-capital-ownership.html\" width=\"100%\" height=\"420\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\"><\/iframe><script>!function(){var e=document.getElementById(\"zw-em2\");window.addEventListener(\"message\",function(m){if(m.data&&m.data.type===\"chartResize\"&&m.source===e.contentWindow)e.style.height=m.data.height+\"px\";});}();<\/script><\/div>\n<p dir=\"ltr\">Four years earlier, on March 27, 2012, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces gave the most explicit official statement in the history of this file. At a press conference the council held, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.shorouknews.com\/news\/view.aspx?cdate=27032012&amp;id=0de8ea0c-136a-4270-9a7c-79b576b91b51\">Major General Mahmoud Nasr<\/a>, Assistant Defense Minister for Financial Affairs and council member, said the armed forces had provided state bodies with loans totaling 2.352 billion Egyptian pounds and had contributed 12.199 billion Egyptian pounds to supporting the economy since February 2011. He then added, in response to demands that the military&#8217;s economic activity be subject to parliamentary oversight: &#8220;The sweat we have labored thirty years over, we will not leave to anyone else to destroy, and we will not allow others, whoever they are, to approach the armed forces&#8217; projects.&#8221; Describing the projects as &#8220;the sweat of the Ministry of Defense&#8221; rather than &#8220;state funds&#8221; was not a slip of the tongue but the doctrine governing the file to this day: revenues generated on state land, with drafted manpower, and with exemption from state taxes, then treated as the institution&#8217;s private property.<\/p>\n<div style=\"width: 100%;\"><iframe id=\"zw-em3\" style=\"border: none; display: block; width: 100%;\" src=\"https:\/\/agamalziada.github.io\/military-economy\/en-mil-chart3-fuel-stations.html\" width=\"100%\" height=\"430\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\"><\/iframe><script>!function(){var e=document.getElementById(\"zw-em3\");window.addEventListener(\"message\",function(m){if(m.data&&m.data.type===\"chartResize\"&&m.source===e.contentWindow)e.style.height=m.data.height+\"px\";});}();<\/script><\/div>\n<p dir=\"ltr\">External estimates range in ways that reflect absent data rather than differing methodologies. <a href=\"https:\/\/www.aljazeera.com\/features\/2013\/8\/5\/the-egyptian-armys-economic-juggernaut\">Al Jazeera English<\/a> reported in 2013 that estimates placed the military&#8217;s share between ten and forty percent of the economy, and that US diplomatic cables published by WikiLeaks quoted former Military Production Minister Sayed Meshaal saying his ministry&#8217;s revenues from the private sector alone amounted to approximately two billion Egyptian pounds annually and that it employed forty thousand civilians. In March 2018, Military Production Minister Mohamed Al-Assar said his ministry&#8217;s companies&#8217; sales reached 8.9 billion Egyptian pounds in 2017 and that it was targeting 12 billion in 2018. This is the ministry that oversees twenty companies and factories, while the Arab Organization for Industrialization owns at least twelve other companies, and the Ministry of Defense controls dozens more through its agencies, <a href=\"https:\/\/reut.rs\/2lQxqFM\">according to an extensive investigation<\/a> published by Reuters in May 2018 under the title &#8220;From the war room to the boardroom.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\">When Yezid Sayigh examined all these figures in his study <a href=\"https:\/\/carnegieendowment.org\/files\/Sayigh-Egypt_full_final1.pdf\">&#8220;Owners of the Republic&#8221;<\/a> published by Carnegie in November 2019, the most comprehensive analysis written on Egypt&#8217;s military economy, he concluded that the estimates of the president and defense officials placing the share between 1 and 2 percent of GDP most likely refer to the aggregate value of goods and services produced by the three military agencies: the Ministry of Military Production, the Arab Organization for Industrialization, and the Ministry of Defense through its agencies. But they do not measure what is more important: the administrative role the military has come to play in dozens of major state projects as a general contractor, contracts manager, and distributor of contracts to the private sector, and the land its agencies own and the veto right over its use. Sayigh wrote that the military&#8217;s entrenchment under Al-Sisi may reach a point at which it becomes impossible to extract it from the economy. The opacity is compounded by the fact that the armed forces&#8217; budget is discussed only in the National Defense Council and enters the general state budget as a single figure under Article 203 of the Constitution, so neither parliament nor the Central Auditing Organization nor the public knows what goes into this figure and what stays outside it.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\"><div class=\"z3-article-separator\" role=\"separator\" aria-label=\"Section divider\"><svg xmlns=\"http:\/\/www.w3.org\/2000\/svg\" viewBox=\"0 140 4269 130\" preserveAspectRatio=\"xMidYMid meet\" aria-hidden=\"true\" focusable=\"false\"><path d=\"M120 211H4149\" fill=\"none\" stroke=\"#7e7e7e\" stroke-width=\"10\"\/><circle cx=\"1718\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"1718\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"1930\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"1930\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"2142\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"2142\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"2354\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"2354\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"2566\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"2566\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><\/svg><\/div><\/p>\n<h3 dir=\"ltr\">Three Arms and One Organization That Grows Each Year<\/h3>\n<p dir=\"ltr\">The military economy is distributed across three arms of different legal character. The first is the Ministry of Military Production with its National Authority for Military Production and more than twenty factories. The second is the Arab Organization for Industrialization, established by Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and the UAE in 1975 with capital exceeding one billion dollars to build an Arab defense industry; the three countries then withdrew in protest at the peace treaty with Israel, leaving it purely Egyptian, managing approximately twelve companies spanning military and civilian activities, from the Saqr, Qadr, and Helwan Industries for Advanced Industries factories to &#8220;SEMAF&#8221; for railway carriages, the Abu Zabal Wood Factory, and the Arab Company for Renewable Energy. The third arm, the largest and least transparent, is the Ministry of Defense with its four agencies of economic activity: the Engineering Authority that manages major state projects, the Armed Forces Land Projects Agency that owns the land, the Financial Affairs Authority, and the National Service Projects Organization that owns the companies.<\/p>\n<div style=\"width: 100%;\"><iframe id=\"zw-em4\" style=\"border: none; display: block; width: 100%;\" src=\"https:\/\/agamalziada.github.io\/military-economy\/en-mil-chart4-nspo-companies.html\" width=\"100%\" height=\"400\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\"><\/iframe><script>!function(){var e=document.getElementById(\"zw-em4\");window.addEventListener(\"message\",function(m){if(m.data&&m.data.type===\"chartResize\"&&m.source===e.contentWindow)e.style.height=m.data.height+\"px\";});}();<\/script><\/div>\n<p dir=\"ltr\">The National Service Projects Organization was established by Presidential Decree No. 32 of 1979, the year the peace treaty was signed, with a declared objective of achieving relative self-sufficiency in the armed forces&#8217; needs and offering surplus production capacity on the domestic market. Four decades later, the Financial Times wrote in January 2022, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.ajnet.me\/ebusiness\/2022\/1\/20\/\">as reported<\/a> by Al Jazeera, that the Organization controls thirty-two companies, a third of which were established after 2015. Reading what the Organization itself announces suffices to show how far the productive surplus has drifted from soldiers&#8217; needs: El-Nasr Company for Services and Maintenance &#8220;Queen Service,&#8221; in which the Organization holds 75 percent, operating in security, guarding, cleaning, hotel and tourist village management, parking garages, and supplies; &#8220;Makarona Queen&#8221; with nine factories and eighteen production lines and no less than 150,000 tons annually; an egg production complex with four units producing 120 million eggs per year; the National Company for Food Industries in Rafah with four factories for jams, juices, and olive oil; &#8220;Safi&#8221; mineral water company with three factories and twenty-four retail outlets in Greater Cairo; Wadi Al-Sheikh farm in Assiut on ten thousand feddans; the National Company for Desert Land Reclamation in East Oweinat on 110,000 feddans with fifteen sheep farms, five cattle farms, thirty apiaries, and 612 housing units for armed forces personnel; Upper Egypt Company for Agricultural Manufacturing with cheese, sauce, and feed factories in Assiut, Sohag, and New Valley; the National Company for Refrigeration and Supplies established in 2015 for refrigerated transport; and the National Petroleum Company established in 1993 with seventy-one operating fuel stations, seventeen under construction, and a declared target of 125 stations.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\">In industry: El-Nasr Company for Intermediate Chemicals with a complex of nine factories in Kom Oshim in Fayoum for alum, sulfuric acid, superphosphate fertilizers, and potassium sulfate, and a complex of five factories in Abu Rawash for chlorine, medical and industrial gases; Al-Arish Cement Company at Mount Lubni south of El-Arish with a capacity of approximately 3.2 million tons annually; the Arab International Optical Company in the City of Peace in partnership with France&#8217;s Thales Group, which holds 49 percent; the plastic tarpaulins factory in Almaza with production of 1,500 tons annually; and the National Battery Company inaugurated by Al-Sisi in 2015. In construction and roads: the National General Contracting and Supplies Company in Almaza, which has built schools, youth centers, health units, and sports facilities; and the National Company for Road Construction, Development, and Management, which built the Cairo-Ain Sokhna road and the Helwan-Karimaat-West Assiut road. Presidential Decree No. 233 of 2016 allocated twenty-one roads to the Ministry of Defense, after the government of Hazem Al-Biblawi in 2014 assigned maintenance works for twenty-seven bridges and a tunnel at a cost of 4.47 billion Egyptian pounds to the Engineering Authority. In mining: a sector in Nasr City extracting bentonite, glass sand, kaolin, and dolomite; and the Egyptian Company for Black Sand, established under General Authority for Investment Certificate No. 769 on February 15, 2016, to concentrate and separate economic minerals from beach sands, in which the Nuclear Materials Authority, Kafr El-Sheikh Governorate, the National Investment Bank, and the Egyptian Company for Mining Wealth participate alongside the Organization.<\/p>\n<div style=\"width: 100%;\"><iframe id=\"zw-em5\" style=\"border: none; display: block; width: 100%;\" src=\"https:\/\/agamalziada.github.io\/military-economy\/en-mil-chart5-imf-loans.html\" width=\"100%\" height=\"430\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\"><\/iframe><script>!function(){var e=document.getElementById(\"zw-em5\");window.addEventListener(\"message\",function(m){if(m.data&&m.data.type===\"chartResize\"&&m.source===e.contentWindow)e.style.height=m.data.height+\"px\";});}();<\/script><\/div>\n<p dir=\"ltr\">The story of fish farming reveals how land turns into a company. In 2016, Presidential Decree No. 270 was issued re-allocating 2,815.14 feddans of state land in the Ghilyan area in Kafr El-Sheikh to the National Service Projects Organization for fish farming, and Decree No. 332 re-allocating 107.55 feddans in the West Daiba triangle in Port Said for the same purpose. The National Company for Fisheries and Aquatic Life was then established in 2015 to manage the project, whose head, Major General Hamdi Badeen, said it includes at the Ghilyan pond 453 marine fish pools, 626 shrimp pools, 186 immune pools, and a hatchery producing twenty million fingerlings and two billion shrimp units. Along the same path, Presidential Decree No. 446 of 2015 empowered the Armed Forces Land Projects Agency for the first time to establish companies of all forms alone or in partnership with national or foreign capital, leading the Agency to launch a fish farming company worth $150 million under the name &#8220;International Company for Marine Products&#8221; in partnership with Saudi investor Mohamed Amer Al-Jari and a German tuna farming company. On December 2, 2015, the Organization itself announced the sale at public auction of residential and commercial units and parking spaces in Zahraa Madinat Nasr, the Tenth District, Safwa Al-Mithaq Towers, Al-Nuzha, Al-Jabal Al-Akhdar, Al-Hilmiya, Rabaa Al-Adawiya Extension, and Alexandria, with 35 percent down and the remainder in installments over three years at 7 percent interest: the same tools used by any private real estate developer, with a single difference: the land was not purchased.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\"><div class=\"z3-article-separator\" role=\"separator\" aria-label=\"Section divider\"><svg xmlns=\"http:\/\/www.w3.org\/2000\/svg\" viewBox=\"0 140 4269 130\" preserveAspectRatio=\"xMidYMid meet\" aria-hidden=\"true\" focusable=\"false\"><path d=\"M120 211H4149\" fill=\"none\" stroke=\"#7e7e7e\" stroke-width=\"10\"\/><circle cx=\"1718\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"1718\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"1930\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"1930\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"2142\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"2142\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"2354\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"2354\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"2566\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"2566\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><\/svg><\/div><\/p>\n<h3 dir=\"ltr\">The Capital the Military Owns<\/h3>\n<p dir=\"ltr\">The New Administrative Capital represents the clearest model of this mechanism. After Emirati businessman Mohamed Alabbar, chairman of Emaar, withdrew from plans to establish the capital after failing to reach an agreement satisfying both parties, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.alborsaanews.com\/2016\/08\/02\/875640\">Presidential Decree No. 57 was issued<\/a> in February 2016 designating the lands of the New Administrative Capital and Sheikh Mohamed Bin Zayed Urban Community, 16,645 feddans south of the Cairo-Suez road, as areas of new urban communities, and establishing a joint-stock company to plan and build the capital from the Urban Communities Authority, the National Service Projects Organization, and the Armed Forces Land Projects Agency, with the value of the land serving as the Land Agency&#8217;s share of the capital. On May 8, 2016, the founding assembly of the &#8220;Administrative Capital for Urban Development&#8221; company held its <a href=\"https:\/\/www.alborsaanews.com\/2016\/05\/09\/841218\">first meeting<\/a> with paid-up capital of six billion Egyptian pounds, and a board of thirteen members including four from the armed forces: Major General Kamel Al-Wazir, head of the Engineering Authority; Major General Amir Sayed Ahmed, Defense Minister advisor for projects; Major General Mostafa Amin Ali, director of the National Service Projects Organization; and Major General Mohamed Abd El-Latif, who became the company&#8217;s managing director. The company&#8217;s ownership is distributed between the Urban Communities Authority (49 percent), the National Service Projects Organization (29.4 percent), and the Armed Forces Land Projects Agency (21.6 percent), meaning the military holds the majority at fifty-one percent. Its land portfolio <a href=\"https:\/\/ar.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B9%D8%A7%D8%B5%D9%85%D8%A9_%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A5%D8%AF%D8%A7%D8%B1%D9%8A%D8%A9_%D9%84%D9%84%D8%AA%D9%86%D9%85%D9%8A%D8%A9_%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B9%D9%85%D8%B1%D8%A7%D9%86%D9%8A%D9%94%D8%A9\">reached<\/a> approximately 174,000 feddans in January 2022. The project presented to the public as the state&#8217;s new capital is, in the General Authority for Investment&#8217;s register, a joint-stock company subject to Investment Law No. 8 of 1997, of which the military holds the majority and whose land it sells.<\/p>\n<div style=\"width: 100%;\"><iframe id=\"zw-em6\" style=\"border: none; display: block; width: 100%;\" src=\"https:\/\/agamalziada.github.io\/military-economy\/en-mil-chart6-war-production.html\" width=\"100%\" height=\"410\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\"><\/iframe><script>!function(){var e=document.getElementById(\"zw-em6\");window.addEventListener(\"message\",function(m){if(m.data&&m.data.type===\"chartResize\"&&m.source===e.contentWindow)e.style.height=m.data.height+\"px\";});}();<\/script><\/div>\n<p dir=\"ltr\">The capital is not an exception but an application of an older rule: under Law No. 143 of 1981 on desert lands and its supplementary decisions, no disposition of state desert lands, which constitute the vast majority of the country&#8217;s area, may occur without the approval of the Ministry of Defense, which decides what is of &#8220;strategic importance.&#8221; A <a href=\"https:\/\/studies.aljazeera.net\/ar\/reports\/2016\/11\/161120101619972.html\">November 2016 report<\/a> by the Al Jazeera Studies Center documented that the armed forces, as the controlling body over state lands, obtain the lands needed for their economic projects without paying their value to the treasury, in addition to customs and tax exemptions and near-free labor from conscripts, factors that collectively grant them advantages unavailable to other state companies or to the private sector. A <a href=\"https:\/\/carnegie-mec.org\/2015\/04\/15\/egyptian-armed-forces-and-remaking-of-economic-empire-pub-59726\">Shana Marshall<\/a> paper published by Carnegie in April 2015 notes that the interim government led by Hazem Al-Biblawi allocated, during the ten months that followed the removal of Mohamed Morsi, projects worth approximately $770 million to the military and its institutions and companies, and that the military entered new economic sectors after July 2013 and acquired large projects long distinguished by the presence of major capital.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\"><div class=\"z3-article-separator\" role=\"separator\" aria-label=\"Section divider\"><svg xmlns=\"http:\/\/www.w3.org\/2000\/svg\" viewBox=\"0 140 4269 130\" preserveAspectRatio=\"xMidYMid meet\" aria-hidden=\"true\" focusable=\"false\"><path d=\"M120 211H4149\" fill=\"none\" stroke=\"#7e7e7e\" stroke-width=\"10\"\/><circle cx=\"1718\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"1718\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"1930\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"1930\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"2142\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"2142\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"2354\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"2354\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"2566\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"2566\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><\/svg><\/div><\/p>\n<h3 dir=\"ltr\">Privileges by Force of Law<\/h3>\n<p dir=\"ltr\">The competitive advantage of military companies requires no inference: it is written in the laws. The real estate tax law explicitly exempts in its special exemptions article &#8220;clubs and hotels of the armed forces, arms houses, complexes, medical centers, hospitals, military clinics, properties within their perimeter, and other units proposed by the Armed Forces Operations Authority,&#8221; adding that these bodies are not subject in any circumstances to the work of inventory and assessment committees &#8220;in accordance with the requirements of defense affairs and national security considerations.&#8221; Defense Minister Sedky Sobhy issued <a href=\"https:\/\/manshurat.org\/node\/9632\">Decision No. 68<\/a> on April 19, 2015, specifying the exempt units. The armed forces&#8217; imports are exempt from customs under Law No. 186 of 1986, and their purchases are exempt from value-added tax. Sayigh summarizes in his reading of the IMF agreement that military companies enjoyed broader exemptions than even the rest of state companies: from income taxes, real estate taxes, value-added taxes, customs duties, administrative fees, exchange rate ceilings, and road tolls, and that the government memorandum now promises to remove all tax exemptions from them.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\">The second advantage comes from the procurement law itself. Public Procurement Regulation Law No. 182 of 2018 allows direct contracting between public bodies, which is the door through which the Engineering Authority passes as a general contractor receiving national projects by direct order and then distributing them to subcontractors. Reuters documented in its 2018 investigation how private sector investors complain of competition they lack the tools to match, while the Military Production Minister told the agency that Egypt needs private companies as the &#8220;backbone&#8221; of industry and the economy. The third advantage is human: the largest proportion of workers in the military&#8217;s economic projects are conscripts performing mandatory service at nominal wages, making the production cost at a pasta factory or fuel station incomparable to that of a competitor paying minimum wages and social insurance.<\/p>\n<div style=\"width: 100%;\"><iframe id=\"zw-em7\" style=\"border: none; display: block; width: 100%;\" src=\"https:\/\/agamalziada.github.io\/military-economy\/en-mil-chart7-assets.html\" width=\"100%\" height=\"580\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\"><\/iframe><script>!function(){var e=document.getElementById(\"zw-em7\");window.addEventListener(\"message\",function(m){if(m.data&&m.data.type===\"chartResize\"&&m.source===e.contentWindow)e.style.height=m.data.height+\"px\";});}();<\/script><\/div>\n<p dir=\"ltr\"><div class=\"z3-article-separator\" role=\"separator\" aria-label=\"Section divider\"><svg xmlns=\"http:\/\/www.w3.org\/2000\/svg\" viewBox=\"0 140 4269 130\" preserveAspectRatio=\"xMidYMid meet\" aria-hidden=\"true\" focusable=\"false\"><path d=\"M120 211H4149\" fill=\"none\" stroke=\"#7e7e7e\" stroke-width=\"10\"\/><circle cx=\"1718\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"1718\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"1930\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"1930\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"2142\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"2142\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"2354\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"2354\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"2566\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"2566\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><\/svg><\/div><\/p>\n<h3 dir=\"ltr\">The Listing That Never Comes<\/h3>\n<p dir=\"ltr\">Since Al-Sisi said in 2016 that the military &#8220;has nothing to hide,&#8221; listing its companies on the stock exchange has become the promise repeated every year without implementation. In October 2019, the president called for listing some armed forces companies on the exchange so citizens could own shares in them. In February 2020, the Egyptian Sovereign Fund signed a cooperation agreement with the National Service Projects Organization. In March of the same year, Sovereign Fund CEO Ayman Suleiman said the fund was evaluating ten companies owned by the Organization for offering to investors and that the plan targeted selling close to one hundred percent of their shares. Then <a href=\"https:\/\/www.aljazeera.net\/ebusiness\/2020\/12\/14\/\">Planning Minister Hala Al-Said announced<\/a> in December 2020 that the fund had selected only two of the ten: &#8220;Safi&#8221; water and the National Petroleum Company. In January 2022, Suleiman told Bloomberg the two would be ready for listing after Eid Al-Fitr. In July 2022, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.aljazeera.net\/ebusiness\/2022\/7\/24\/\">the Cabinet approved<\/a> &#8220;qualifying them&#8221; for listing. On November 15, 2022, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.youm7.com\/story\/2022\/11\/15\/\">Al-Sisi met<\/a> with Prime Minister Mostafa Madbouly, head of the Armed Forces Financial Affairs Authority Major General Ahmed Al-Shazly, National Service Projects Organization director Major General Walid Abu Al-Magd, and the two companies&#8217; heads Major General Mohamed Anwar and Major General Yasser Al-Gamal, with Presidential Spokesman Bassam Rady saying the president had reviewed the &#8220;start of procedures&#8221; in preparation for offering shares in the two companies. Meaning the procedures that began in February 2020 began again in November 2022, and to this day not a single share has been listed.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\">Sayigh offers two explanations for this obstruction: first, the military refuses the levels of financial disclosure that listing imposes even if partial, which he analyzed in a <a href=\"https:\/\/carnegie-mec.org\/2020\/04\/07\/will-egypt-s-military-companies-float-pub-81487\">paper<\/a> titled &#8220;Will Egypt&#8217;s Military Companies Float?&#8221; in April 2020; and second, the National Petroleum Company is effectively being stripped of its assets as its stations are replaced by &#8220;Shell Out&#8221; stations also owned by the military, which reduces any Gulf buyer&#8217;s interest in it. He adds that the military is known for its hostility to selling any state assets let alone its own, and that this explains the loud objections in parliament to the government&#8217;s plans to privatize companies affiliated with the Suez Canal Authority, which the military considers its exclusive economic domain.<\/p>\n<div class=\"z3-article-separator\" role=\"separator\" aria-label=\"Section divider\"><svg xmlns=\"http:\/\/www.w3.org\/2000\/svg\" viewBox=\"0 140 4269 130\" preserveAspectRatio=\"xMidYMid meet\" aria-hidden=\"true\" focusable=\"false\"><path d=\"M120 211H4149\" fill=\"none\" stroke=\"#7e7e7e\" stroke-width=\"10\"\/><circle cx=\"1718\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"1718\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"1930\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"1930\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"2142\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"2142\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"2354\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"2354\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"2566\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"2566\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><\/svg><\/div>\n<h3 dir=\"ltr\">What Changed in January 2023<\/h3>\n<p dir=\"ltr\">This month&#8217;s agreement differs from previous promises in one thing: it is written. The state ownership policy document, whose draft was published in June 2022 and pledged the state&#8217;s complete exit from 79 sectors and a reduction of its presence in 45 sectors, has become the loan&#8217;s structural benchmark; military companies are inside the definition of the state by name; and the government must prove every six months that it is implementing it. Former Deputy Prime Minister Ziad Bahaa El-Din said in an <a href=\"https:\/\/www.almasryalyoum.com\/news\/details\/2606932\">article<\/a> in Al-Masry Al-Youm that most of the mechanisms the document proposes have been officially approved multiple times over the years without tangible effect. Sayigh recalls that a review of military expansion since June 2022 alone contradicts the government&#8217;s pledge that no new public companies would be established except with transparency and within the ownership policy framework, that the military clings to its off-budget funds whose liabilities the IMF acknowledged it was unable to estimate, and that the government&#8217;s memorandum left itself the door of &#8220;clarifying the terms of direct contracting between public bodies&#8221; under Law No. 182, the door the military needs to remain as it is.<\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\">What makes the test harder this time is its price. The pound that was worth 15.7 to the dollar a year ago now trades at approximately thirty. The loan that was twelve billion dollars in 2016 became three billion in 2022 with heavier conditions. And the two companies announced for listing in December 2020 are still at &#8220;the start of procedures.&#8221; Between the figure the president cited in 2016, two percent, and the commitment his government signed in January 2023, the public submission of accounts, stands the paradox around which this entire file turns: an economy that does not exceed two percent of GDP does not need seven years of promises and an international loan to be counted, unless the counting itself is what is feared.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>An economy whose president says does not exceed two percent of GDP, whose budget says is a military secret, and which the International Monetary Fund says requires semi-annual accounts and an annual tax report and asset disclosures from its executives before it can become a measurable economy.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":7488,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"om_disable_all_campaigns":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[410],"tags":[17941,17938,17937,17936,17942,17939,11357,17940,17935,17943],"kateb":[688],"class_list":["post-16587","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-investigations-en","tag-administrative-capital-egypt-military","tag-arab-organization-for-industrialization","tag-egypt-armed-forces-business","tag-egypt-imf-loan-military-companies","tag-egypt-military-companies-listing","tag-egypt-state-ownership-policy","tag-egyptian-military-economy","tag-military-companies-egypt-tax-exemptions","tag-national-service-projects-organization","tag-yezid-sayigh-owners-of-the-republic","kateb-ahmed-gamal-ziada"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/01\/01-2.webp","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/16587","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=16587"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/16587\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":16590,"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/16587\/revisions\/16590"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/7488"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=16587"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=16587"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=16587"},{"taxonomy":"kateb","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/kateb?post=16587"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}