{"id":17836,"date":"2026-10-08T15:02:38","date_gmt":"2026-10-08T13:02:38","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/?p=17836"},"modified":"2026-10-08T15:05:45","modified_gmt":"2026-10-08T13:05:45","slug":"electronic-committees","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/electronic-committees\/","title":{"rendered":"Manufacturing False Consensus in Egypt: \u201cElectronic Committees\u201d from Mubarak\u2019s Accounts to Marketing Companies"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>On 1 October, the Ministry of Interior, in its <a href=\"https:\/\/x.com\/moiegy\/status\/2105554298427867492\">statement<\/a>, described the six journalists of the Matsda2sh platform as a \u201cmedia committee\u201d affiliated with the Muslim Brotherhood, and on 7 October the Public Prosecution <a href=\"https:\/\/www.masrawy.com\/news\/news_cases\/details\/2026\/10\/7\/3059454\/\">said<\/a> that one of the defendants \u201cadmitted during the investigations to joining, together with the arrested defendants and others, the Brotherhood\u2019s media committee.\u201d Between the two statements, the same phrase recurred in television episodes, press material and circulated posts with identical vocabulary, at a time when the six were being held in undisclosed places of detention and their lawyers were not allowed to meet with them alone. What happened this week is not new in Egypt; but it is the occasion on which the entire week can be placed alongside what Meta, Twitter, the Atlantic Council\u2019s Digital Forensic Research Lab and the Stanford Internet Observatory have documented about the networks that produce and amplify discourse supportive of the Egyptian government, in order to know what the evidence proves and what remains within the realm of \u201celectronic committees\u201d as a mutual accusation rather than a visible network.<\/p>\n<div class=\"z3-article-separator\" role=\"separator\" aria-label=\"Section divider\"><svg xmlns=\"http:\/\/www.w3.org\/2000\/svg\" viewBox=\"0 140 4269 130\" preserveAspectRatio=\"xMidYMid meet\" aria-hidden=\"true\" focusable=\"false\"><path d=\"M120 211H4149\" fill=\"none\" stroke=\"#7e7e7e\" stroke-width=\"10\"\/><circle cx=\"1718\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"1718\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"1930\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"1930\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"2142\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"2142\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"2354\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"2354\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"2566\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"2566\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><\/svg><\/div>\n<h2>One Week, One Narrative<\/h2>\n<p>The security campaign began on the evening of Monday 28 September with the arrest of Mohamed Ashraf Abu Umaira and Abdullah Qadri, then Islam Barakat, Omar Hilal, Mohamed Mahmoud and Mohamed Adel over the following hours, <a href=\"https:\/\/eipr.org\/press\/2026\/09\/%D9%86%D8%AF%D8%A7%D8%A1-%D8%B9%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%85%D9%8A-%D9%84%D9%84%D8%A5%D9%81%D8%B1%D8%A7%D8%AC-%D8%B9%D9%86-%D8%AC%D9%85%D9%8A%D8%B9-%D8%B5%D8%AD%D9%81%D9%8A%D9%8A-%D9%85%D9%86%D8%B5%D8%A9-%C2%AB%D9%85%D8%AA%D8%B5%D8%AF%D9%82%D8%B4%C2%BB\">according to<\/a> the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights, which is defending them. The Interior Ministry\u2019s statement was issued about forty-eight hours later, describing the page as \u201cunlicensed and run from abroad\u201d and among the group\u2019s \u201cmedia committees,\u201d and stating that one of the six is a registered member of the Journalists\u2019 Syndicate. Over the following hours, as Zawia3 <a href=\"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/matsda2sh-2\/\">documented<\/a> on 3 October, newspapers and channels considered close to the state relayed the same narrative in the same vocabulary, and added to it what the statement had not said: a biography of the father of the platform\u2019s founder, Abdelrahman Mansour, the name of a company in New York, and a mechanism of financial transfers, all attributed to unnamed \u201csources.\u201d On the evening of 1 October, Al-Masry Al-Youm published a report that the six had been remanded in custody for fifteen days, which their lawyers denied, and Hossam Bahgat, the Initiative\u2019s executive director, said that the head of the Supreme State Security Prosecution had denied to him that any of them had been brought before the investigation, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.madamasr.com\/2026\/10\/03\/news\/u\/%D8%AA%D8%B4%D9%83%D9%8A%D9%83-%D9%81%D9%8A-%D8%AE%D8%A8%D8%B1-%D8%AD%D8%A8%D8%B3-%D8%B5%D8%AD%D9%81%D9%8A%D9%8A-%D9%85%D8%AA%D8%B5%D8%AF%D9%82%D8%B4-%D9%88%D8%B3%D8%B7-%D8%AA%D8%B3%D8%B1\/\">according to<\/a> what Mada Masr published.<\/p>\n<p>In the first hour of 2 October, the Al-Ahram portal published <a href=\"https:\/\/gate.ahram.org.eg\/News\/5937470.aspx\">an item<\/a> saying that the security services had arrested six of those running the page, \u201camong them Abdelrahman Mansour, a registered member of the Journalists\u2019 Syndicate,\u201d even though the Interior Ministry\u2019s statement itself had described Mansour as \u201cthe fugitive abroad,\u201d and built the item on an old clip of the late Brotherhood leader Essam Al-Erian to say that its circulation constitutes \u201ca practical response\u201d to those who said Mansour\u2019s arrest was arbitrary. On the evening of the same day, writer Abdel Rahim Ali, in a phone intervention with Amr Adeeb on MBC Masr, presented three audio recordings he said were of Mansour without disclosing their source, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.cairo24.com\/2505191\">according to<\/a> what the Cairo 24 website reported. On 3 October, users circulated old posts attributed to an account under the name of Abdullah Qadri on the X platform containing sympathy for the Brotherhood and the late president Mohamed Morsi, and news websites published screenshots of them as \u201cconfessions,\u201d as the Telegraph Misr website <a href=\"https:\/\/www.egypttelegraph.com\/article\/283847\/\">noted<\/a>, without anyone verifying the owner of the account or the date of the posts; then pro-government websites carried almost the same headlines, from <a href=\"https:\/\/www.elbalad.news\/7129149\">Sada El Balad<\/a>, which attributed to \u201cone of those running Matsda2sh\u201d that Qadri\u2019s posts reveal his affiliation, to <a href=\"https:\/\/www.egyin.com\/article\/151292\/%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A5%D8%AE%D9%88%D8%A7%D9%86%D9%8A-%D8%B9%D8%A8%D8%AF-%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%84%D9%87-%D9%82%D8%AF%D8%B1%D9%8A-%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%85%D8%AA%D9%87%D9%85-%D9%81%D9%8A-%D9%82%D8%B6%D9%8A%D8%A9\">EgyIn<\/a>, which described him in its headline as \u201cthe Brotherhood member.\u201d On the same day, the Ministry of Interior <a href=\"https:\/\/aawsat.com\/%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B9%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%85-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B9%D8%B1%D8%A8%D9%8A\/5325476-%D9%85%D8%B5%D8%B1-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AF%D8%A7%D8%AE%D9%84%D9%8A%D8%A9-%D8%AA%D8%AA%D9%88%D8%B9%D8%AF-%D9%85%D8%B1%D9%88%D8%AC%D9%8A-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A7%D8%AF%D8%B9%D8%A7%D8%A1%D8%A7%D8%AA-%D9%88%D8%B3%D8%B7-%D8%AC%D8%AF%D9%84-%D8%A8%D8%B4%D8%A3%D9%86-%D8%AD%D8%A8%D8%B3-%D8%B5%D8%AD%D8%A7%D9%81%D9%8A%D9%8A-%D9%85%D8%AA%D8%B5%D8%AF%D9%82%D8%B4\">vowed<\/a> to take legal measures against \u201cpromoters of the allegations\u201d on pages it said were affiliated with the Brotherhood.<\/p>\n<p>Then came what the journalists themselves said when they finally appeared before the prosecution. The Egyptian Initiative <a href=\"https:\/\/eipr.org\/press\/2026\/10\/%D8%B5%D8%AD%D9%81%D9%8A%D9%88%D9%86-%D8%A8%D9%85%D9%86%D8%B5%D8%A9-%D9%85%D8%AA%D8%B5%D8%AF%D9%82%D8%B4-%D9%8A%D8%AB%D8%A8%D8%AA%D9%88%D9%86-%D8%A3%D9%85%D8%A7%D9%85-%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%A8%D8%A9-%D8%AA%D8%B9%D8%B1%D8%B6%D9%87%D9%85-%D9%84%D9%84%D8%AA%D8%B9%D8%B0%D9%8A%D8%A8-%D9%88%D8%A5%D8%AC%D8%A8%D8%A7%D8%B1%D9%87%D9%85-%D8%B9%D9%84%D9%89-%D8%AA%D8%B5%D9%88%D9%8A%D8%B1-%D8%A7%D8%B9%D8%AA%D8%B1%D8%A7%D9%81%D8%A7%D8%AA\">said<\/a>, citing the defence lawyers who were present, that some of the journalists put on record before the Supreme State Security Prosecution, in sessions on Sunday 4 October, that they had been subjected to restraint, blindfolding, beating, stripping and electric shocks at National Security premises, and that officers had forced them to read \u201cconfessions\u201d from papers in front of the camera. Three days later, the prosecution said in its statement that it had referred three of those who claimed coercion to forensic medicine, whose reports established \u201cthat they were free of injuries and that there were no signs indicating the use of violence against them,\u201d that the defendants had admitted receiving periodic sums in dollars from a company owned by a fugitive member abroad, and that the page is \u201cone of the group\u2019s media platforms.\u201d The Initiative responded, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.madamasr.com\/2026\/10\/07\/news\/u\/%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%A8%D8%A9-%D8%A3%D8%AD%D8%AF-%D8%B5%D8%AD%D9%81%D9%8A%D9%8A-%D9%85%D8%AA%D8%B5%D8%AF%D9%82%D8%B4-%D8%A3%D9%82%D8%B1-%D8%A8%D8%A7%D9%86%D8%B6%D9%85%D8%A7\/\">according to<\/a> Mada Masr, that the statement \u201cconferred an untrue criminal character on legitimate acts.\u201d Thus the circle closed: the phrase that began in the police statement before any of the six had been asked a single question became, a week later, an admission attributed to them in the prosecution\u2019s statement, by way of screens, websites and posts that reproduced it every day.<\/p>\n<div style=\"width: 100%;\"><iframe id=\"zw-e1\" title=\"Infographic: one week, one narrative\" style=\"border: none; display: block; width: 100%; height: 640px;\" src=\"https:\/\/agamalziada.github.io\/e-committees-egypt\/en-ecom-chart1-week.html\" width=\"100%\" height=\"50\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\"><\/iframe><script>!function(){var e=document.getElementById(\"zw-e1\");window.addEventListener(\"message\",function(m){if(m.data&&m.data.type===\"chartResize\"&&m.source===e.contentWindow)e.style.height=m.data.height+\"px\";});}();<\/script><\/div>\n<div class=\"z3-article-separator\" role=\"separator\" aria-label=\"Section divider\"><svg xmlns=\"http:\/\/www.w3.org\/2000\/svg\" viewBox=\"0 140 4269 130\" preserveAspectRatio=\"xMidYMid meet\" aria-hidden=\"true\" focusable=\"false\"><path d=\"M120 211H4149\" fill=\"none\" stroke=\"#7e7e7e\" stroke-width=\"10\"\/><circle cx=\"1718\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"1718\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"1930\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"1930\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"2142\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"2142\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"2354\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"2354\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"2566\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"2566\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><\/svg><\/div>\n<h2>What a Fact-Checker Sees<\/h2>\n<p>Journalist Hossam El-Hendi, director of the \u201cVerify in Arabic\u201d initiative, which specializes in fact-checking using open-source techniques, believes that talk of \u201celectronic committees\u201d requires \u201cevidence, research behind it, and detailing each case separately,\u201d and prefers the concept of \u201ccollective publishing\u201d: a narrative or a piece of information circulated collectively through accounts and individuals and in different forms of content. He tells Zawia3 that collective publishing \u201cis not a problem in itself if people are relaying correct information,\u201d but the problem begins when an incident or a statement is presented while the response and the context are omitted.<\/p>\n<p>He gives the example of what happened with Matsda2sh: \u201cI can bring a statement by the late Brotherhood leader Essam Al-Erian in which he talks about Abdelrahman Mansour\u2019s membership of the Brotherhood, which is an old statement, and not include Mansour\u2019s response to it, although he responded directly and said that he is not from the Brotherhood and that he left the group before the revolution.\u201d The statement El-Hendi refers to was made by Al-Erian on ONtv on 2 September 2012, and Mansour responded to it on the same day, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.elmwatin.com\/685340\/%D9%81%D9%8A%D8%AF%D9%8A%D9%88-%D9%85%D8%A7%D8%B0%D8%A7-%D9%82%D8%A7%D9%84-%D8%B9%D8%B5%D8%A7%D9%85-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B9%D8%B1%D9%8A%D8%A7%D9%86-%D8%B9%D9%86-%D8%B9%D8%A8%D8%AF-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B1%D8%AD%D9%85%D9%86-%D9%85%D9%86%D8%B5%D9%88%D8%B1\">in remarks<\/a> that the Elmwatin website republished this week, saying that he had separated from the group a year before the revolution and that the attempt to attribute the revolution to a particular organization does not reflect what happened. \u201cHere is collective publishing that is not characterized by honesty and contains direct misleading; the video is posted and the rest of the matter is overlooked,\u201d El-Hendi says, adding that the party presenting the narrative \u201cmay be security bodies, or political bodies, or individuals, or people with interests, whatever the party.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>He cites a second example: \u201cGroups can publish an article by the late journalist Mohamed Abu El-Gheit, one of the founders of Matsda2sh, republished on a website affiliated with the Brotherhood, and then it is said that Abu El-Gheit worked on a Brotherhood platform, although the original version of the article is published in Al-Shorouk newspaper.\u201d El-Hendi distinguishes between three patterns: misleading, which rests on information that is \u201ccorrect in its origin but has a response, dimensions and context\u201d and then the rest of it is overlooked; lying, which is \u201cto bring incorrect information and refuse to clarify its truth to people\u201d; and fabrication, which does not necessarily mean manufacturing material from scratch but \u201cfabricating the idea or the text; I bring something and keep saying: this is evidence that it is such-and-such.\u201d About the circulated audio recordings, he says: \u201cWhen any reasonable person listens to them in full, he will find that there is nothing in them; a person greeting a person, or telling him what all people say.\u201d He believes that \u201cthe biggest problem in the idea of collective publishing\u201d is the use of a large number of accounts to cement a narrative that is \u201cfor the most part misleading and incorrect,\u201d and that these narratives are used to cement a storyline regarding \u201cthe charges attributed to the people being investigated.\u201d<\/p>\n<div class=\"z3-article-separator\" role=\"separator\" aria-label=\"Section divider\"><svg xmlns=\"http:\/\/www.w3.org\/2000\/svg\" viewBox=\"0 140 4269 130\" preserveAspectRatio=\"xMidYMid meet\" aria-hidden=\"true\" focusable=\"false\"><path d=\"M120 211H4149\" fill=\"none\" stroke=\"#7e7e7e\" stroke-width=\"10\"\/><circle cx=\"1718\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"1718\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"1930\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"1930\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"2142\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"2142\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"2354\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"2354\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"2566\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"2566\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><\/svg><\/div>\n<h2>From the \u201cNational Party Committees\u201d to the \u201cState Committees\u201d<\/h2>\n<p>The term itself has no neutral history. In a <a href=\"https:\/\/ijoc.org\/index.php\/ijoc\/article\/view\/20310\">study<\/a> published by researchers Nermeen El-Sherif and Tarek Anwar in the International Journal of Communication in 2024, after analysing 110 Egyptian press items published between 2011 and 2021 in Al-Ahram, Youm7, El-Watan, Al-Shorouk, Al-Masry Al-Youm and Sasa Post, it emerged that the first press reference to \u201celectronic committees\u201d dates back to 26 February 2011 in Youm7 and concerned the committees of the National Democratic Party, meaning that the term was born to describe pro-Mubarak accounts that appeared after the internet returned on 5 February 2011. The accusation then moved, during the year of Mohamed Morsi\u2019s rule, to the Muslim Brotherhood, with newspapers naming Khairat El-Shater as its \u201cmastermind,\u201d and since 2016 pro-government newspapers have openly celebrated state-backed committees, among them a Facebook group led by Sherif Khairy, before the official discourse returned to holding the Brotherhood, Turkey and Qatar responsible for every opposition hashtag. The study concludes that the excessive use of the term turned it into an \u201cempty signifier\u201d thrown at any hashtag that criticizes the government, and that this very ambiguity is one of the tools of digital authoritarianism.<\/p>\n<p>In parallel, the state built its official tools. In June 2014, Al-Bawaba newspaper revealed a tender specification prepared by the Ministry of Interior for a \u201csocial networks security risk monitoring\u201d system, <a href=\"https:\/\/legal-agenda.com\/%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%A9-%D9%88%D8%B2%D8%A7%D8%B1%D8%A9-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AF%D8%A7%D8%AE%D9%84%D9%8A%D8%A9-%D9%81%D8%B1%D8%B6-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B1%D9%82%D8%A7%D8%A8%D8%A9-%D8%B9%D9%84%D9%89-%D8%B4%D8%A8%D9%83\/\">according to<\/a> what Legal Agenda analysed at the time, and in the same year the Supreme Cybersecurity Council was established, with a committee inside it to follow cyberspace and monitor what the authorities describe as \u201cdeviant\u201d opinions and terrorism-related content, without a definition of either term, as researchers Bassant Hassib and James Shires <a href=\"https:\/\/academic.oup.com\/cybersecurity\/article\/7\/1\/tyaa026\/6137887\">wrote<\/a> in a study published in the Journal of Cybersecurity in 2021. In a <a href=\"https:\/\/www.dohainstitute.org\/en\/PoliticalStudies\/Pages\/The-Sisi-Firewall-Cyber-Suppression-Strategies-and-the-Future-of-Cyberspace-in-Egypt.aspx\">study<\/a> published by the Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies in October 2020, researcher Mostafa El-Sayed Hussein documented an office established by Public Prosecutor\u2019s Decree No. 2376 of 2019 to create accounts on social media sites and to work as \u201ca watchtower in cyberspace.\u201d A <a href=\"https:\/\/carnegieendowment.org\/ar\/research\/2025\/05\/the-second-republic-the-remaking-of-egypt-under-abdel-fattah-el-sisi\">study<\/a> by Yezid Sayigh, issued by the Carnegie Middle East Center in May 2025 under the title \u201cThe Second Republic,\u201d concluded that the regime has sought to dominate the public sphere and media discourse and to expand the role of the security agencies in managing the political sphere.<\/p>\n<div style=\"width: 100%;\"><iframe id=\"zw-e2\" title=\"Infographic: the path of the term electronic committees\" style=\"border: none; display: block; width: 100%; height: 420px;\" src=\"https:\/\/agamalziada.github.io\/e-committees-egypt\/en-ecom-chart2-term.html\" width=\"100%\" height=\"50\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\"><\/iframe><script>!function(){var e=document.getElementById(\"zw-e2\");window.addEventListener(\"message\",function(m){if(m.data&&m.data.type===\"chartResize\"&&m.source===e.contentWindow)e.style.height=m.data.height+\"px\";});}();<\/script><\/div>\n<div class=\"z3-article-separator\" role=\"separator\" aria-label=\"Section divider\"><svg xmlns=\"http:\/\/www.w3.org\/2000\/svg\" viewBox=\"0 140 4269 130\" preserveAspectRatio=\"xMidYMid meet\" aria-hidden=\"true\" focusable=\"false\"><path d=\"M120 211H4149\" fill=\"none\" stroke=\"#7e7e7e\" stroke-width=\"10\"\/><circle cx=\"1718\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"1718\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"1930\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"1930\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"2142\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"2142\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"2354\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"2354\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"2566\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"2566\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><\/svg><\/div>\n<h2>Six Networks in Eight Months<\/h2>\n<p>What the platforms hold is the only part of this file that is measured in numbers. On 1 August 2019, Facebook <a href=\"https:\/\/about.fb.com\/news\/2019\/08\/cib-uae-egypt-saudi-arabia\/\">announced<\/a> the removal of a network originating in Egypt and the UAE that comprised 259 accounts, 102 pages, five groups and seventeen Instagram accounts, whose pages were followed by more than 13.7 million accounts, which spent about $167,000 on advertising, and which posted about alleged Qatari and Turkish support for terrorism, Iran\u2019s activity in Yemen and the war in Libya; the company said its investigation found links to two marketing companies: \u201cNew Waves\u201d in Egypt and \u201cNewave\u201d in the UAE. When the Atlantic Council\u2019s Digital Forensic Research Lab analysed the network <a href=\"https:\/\/medium.com\/dfrlab\/facebook-disabled-assets-linked-to-egypt-and-uae-based-firms-a232d9effc32\">two weeks later<\/a>, it found that the person most likely behind New Waves is Amr Hussein, under whose email address other entities had been registered and whose personal blog the company\u2019s pages promoted, that the company had been operating since 2015, and that its content paralleled the political interests of Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Egypt and Bahrain, but it said explicitly that it had not found \u201ca direct link to any government.\u201d Mostafa El-Sayed Hussein, the researcher at the Arab Center, says the company was headed by a former army officer, and that he identified three of its five employees who, after its closure, moved to similar jobs in official bodies, information that is exclusive to him and that neither the platform nor the lab has confirmed.<\/p>\n<p>On 3 October 2019, Facebook <a href=\"https:\/\/about.fb.com\/news\/2019\/10\/removing-coordinated-inauthentic-behavior-in-uae-nigeria-indonesia-and-egypt\/\">removed<\/a> two networks at once: the first originating in the UAE, Egypt and Nigeria (211 accounts, 107 pages, 43 groups and 87 Instagram accounts), which it linked to the Emirati company Charles Communications, the Nigerian MintReach and the Egyptian Flexell; and the second originating in Egypt alone (163 accounts, 51 pages, 33 groups and four Instagram accounts), followed by 5.6 million accounts, whose pages presented themselves as independent local media in Somalia, Yemen, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Tunisia, Iran, Turkey, Lebanon and Qatar, and the company said its investigation \u201cfound links to an Egyptian newspaper, El Fagr.\u201d In <a href=\"https:\/\/about.fb.com\/news\/2020\/03\/february-cib-report\/\">February 2020<\/a> it removed the largest network: 333 accounts, 195 pages, nine groups and 1,194 Instagram accounts, which originated in Egypt and targeted the Middle East and North Africa, and which it linked to New Waves and Flexell, which it said had previously violated its policies. In <a href=\"https:\/\/about.fb.com\/news\/2020\/04\/march-cib-report\/\">March 2020<\/a> it removed a fourth network of 81 accounts, 82 pages, one group and 76 Instagram accounts, which it linked to an Egyptian marketing company called \u201cMaat.\u201d In all four of these cases, Facebook attributed the networks to companies, not to the state.<\/p>\n<p>The only exception came from Twitter. On 2 April 2020, the company <a href=\"https:\/\/www.aljazeera.com\/news\/2020\/4\/2\/twitter-removes-thousands-of-accounts-linked-to-saudi-egypt\">announced<\/a> the deletion of 2,541 accounts in Egypt within the \u201cEl Fagr\u201d network, which it said had created inauthentic accounts to amplify messages criticizing Iran, Qatar and Turkey, and that \u201cinformation we obtained from outside indicates that it was taking its direction from the Egyptian government.\u201d The Stanford Internet Observatory, in a <a href=\"https:\/\/fsi-live.s3.us-west-1.amazonaws.com\/s3fs-public\/egypt_whitepaper.pdf\">paper<\/a> prepared by Ren\u00e9e DiResta, Tara Kheradpir and Carly Miller on the same day, analysed the data that Twitter made available: 7.9 million tweets, 84.5 percent of them in Arabic, praising the Egyptian government and President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi and attacking the Brotherhood, Qatar, Iran and Turkey, while supporting Khalifa Haftar in Libya and backing the UAE and Saudi Arabia. The researchers noted that the network resembles a \u201cmedia asset\u201d more than a \u201cmercenary organization\u201d or a government, and that the weekly newspaper, founded in 2005, is owned by El Fagr for Printing and Publishing and its editor-in-chief is Mostafa Thabet. Neither the three companies nor the newspaper published a public response to the removal decisions that Zawia3 was able to access.<\/p>\n<div style=\"width: 100%;\"><iframe id=\"zw-e3\" title=\"Infographic: the El Fagr network on Twitter\" style=\"border: none; display: block; width: 100%; height: 520px;\" src=\"https:\/\/agamalziada.github.io\/e-committees-egypt\/en-ecom-chart3-fagr.html\" width=\"100%\" height=\"50\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\"><\/iframe><script>!function(){var e=document.getElementById(\"zw-e3\");window.addEventListener(\"message\",function(m){if(m.data&&m.data.type===\"chartResize\"&&m.source===e.contentWindow)e.style.height=m.data.height+\"px\";});}();<\/script><\/div>\n<p>Five removal operations in eight months covering six networks, around 3,050 accounts, pages and groups on Meta platforms by Zawia3\u2019s count, 2,541 accounts on Twitter, three Egyptian marketing companies and a newspaper, and one sentence from one platform about \u201cdirection from the government.\u201d This is all of the public evidence, and it is plentiful enough to refute the idea that pro-government discourse is entirely spontaneous, and too scant to prove that a single apparatus runs it.<\/p>\n<div style=\"width: 100%;\"><iframe id=\"zw-e4\" title=\"Infographic: networks removed by Facebook and Twitter\" style=\"border: none; display: block; width: 100%; height: 820px;\" src=\"https:\/\/agamalziada.github.io\/e-committees-egypt\/en-ecom-chart4-takedowns.html\" width=\"100%\" height=\"50\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\"><\/iframe><script>!function(){var e=document.getElementById(\"zw-e4\");window.addEventListener(\"message\",function(m){if(m.data&&m.data.type===\"chartResize\"&&m.source===e.contentWindow)e.style.height=m.data.height+\"px\";});}();<\/script><\/div>\n<div class=\"z3-article-separator\" role=\"separator\" aria-label=\"Section divider\"><svg xmlns=\"http:\/\/www.w3.org\/2000\/svg\" viewBox=\"0 140 4269 130\" preserveAspectRatio=\"xMidYMid meet\" aria-hidden=\"true\" focusable=\"false\"><path d=\"M120 211H4149\" fill=\"none\" stroke=\"#7e7e7e\" stroke-width=\"10\"\/><circle cx=\"1718\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"1718\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"1930\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"1930\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"2142\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"2142\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"2354\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"2354\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"2566\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"2566\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><\/svg><\/div>\n<h2>A Network That Keeps Reappearing<\/h2>\n<p>What the platforms did not delete, researchers documented. On 23 March 2023, the Digital Forensic Research Lab <a href=\"https:\/\/dfrlab.org\/2023\/03\/23\/egyptian-twitter-network-amplifies-pro-government-hashtags-attacks-fact-checkers\/\">described<\/a> a network of 21 active accounts on Twitter, noting coordination among at least twelve of them, that amplified the hashtag \u201c#\u0647\u0646\u062f\u0639\u0645_\u0627\u0644\u0633\u064a\u0633\u064a_\u06442030\u201d (\u201cWe will support Sisi for 2030,\u201d around 55,400 tweets) and the hashtag \u201c#\u0643\u0644_\u0627\u0644\u062f\u0639\u0645_\u0644\u0631\u062c\u0627\u0644_\u0627\u0644\u0634\u0631\u0637\u0629\u201d (\u201cAll support for the policemen,\u201d around 10,600); the same accounts then used a hashtag to mock the fact-checking platform Saheeh Masr (around a thousand tweets), and the lab said the goal was likely \u201cto build a false perception of broad support for the government\u201d and \u201cto discredit fact-checking initiatives.\u201d On 31 May 2023, researcher Dina Sadek at the same lab <a href=\"https:\/\/dfrlab.org\/2023\/05\/31\/pro-government-twitter-accounts-push-hashtag-promoting-egypts-support-for-human-rights\/\">monitored<\/a> the hashtag \u201c#\u0645\u0635\u0631_\u062a\u062f\u0639\u0645_\u062d\u0642\u0648\u0642_\u0627\u0644\u0627\u0646\u0633\u0627\u0646\u201d (\u201cEgypt supports human rights\u201d), launched by an account on 21 March 2023, the day the president announced a pardon for 85 imprisoned debtors, which reached 1,084 mentions from 352 users; three of the five most active accounts in it were members of the same network of twenty-one accounts, and several accounts posted the same tweet with the same image within minutes.<\/p>\n<p>Then, on 19 October 2023, the lab <a href=\"https:\/\/dfrlab.org\/2023\/10\/19\/twitter-hashtags-egypt\/\">documented<\/a> the campaign of the hashtags \u201c#\u064a\u0633\u0642\u0637_\u0646\u0642\u064a\u0628_\u0627\u0644\u0645\u0647\u0646\u062f\u0633\u064a\u0646\u201d (\u201cDown with the head of the Engineers Syndicate\u201d) and \u201c#\u0646\u0639\u0645_\u0644\u0633\u062d\u0628_\u0627\u0644\u062b\u0642\u0647\u201d (\u201cYes to withdrawing confidence\u201d) against the head of the Engineers Syndicate, Tarek El-Nabarawy, which peaked on 30 and 31 May 2023, the day of the vote on withdrawing confidence and the following day, and then died down: one account used the two hashtags 209 times, another 163 times in less than an hour, five accounts posted the same text in the same order, three posted the statement of the Mostaqbal Watan party in the same minute, and two accounts that had previously appeared in campaigns against rights defenders George Ishak and Gamal Eid took part in the campaign. In all three cases, the lab described the accounts as \u201cpro-government\u201d and \u201clikely inauthentic,\u201d and did not say that the state runs them. What these reports prove, then, is not the identity of the operator, but that a single structure of accounts is activated at every event: supporting the president, praising the police, defending the human rights record, toppling a syndicate head, smearing a fact-checker, with the same vocabulary and in the same minutes.<\/p>\n<div style=\"width: 100%;\"><iframe id=\"zw-e5\" title=\"Infographic: 2023 hashtags\" style=\"border: none; display: block; width: 100%; height: 560px;\" src=\"https:\/\/agamalziada.github.io\/e-committees-egypt\/en-ecom-chart5-hashtags.html\" width=\"100%\" height=\"50\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\"><\/iframe><script>!function(){var e=document.getElementById(\"zw-e5\");window.addEventListener(\"message\",function(m){if(m.data&&m.data.type===\"chartResize\"&&m.source===e.contentWindow)e.style.height=m.data.height+\"px\";});}();<\/script><\/div>\n<div class=\"z3-article-separator\" role=\"separator\" aria-label=\"Section divider\"><svg xmlns=\"http:\/\/www.w3.org\/2000\/svg\" viewBox=\"0 140 4269 130\" preserveAspectRatio=\"xMidYMid meet\" aria-hidden=\"true\" focusable=\"false\"><path d=\"M120 211H4149\" fill=\"none\" stroke=\"#7e7e7e\" stroke-width=\"10\"\/><circle cx=\"1718\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"1718\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"1930\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"1930\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"2142\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"2142\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"2354\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"2354\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"2566\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"2566\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><\/svg><\/div>\n<h2>What the Platforms Measure<\/h2>\n<p>Platforms do not judge networks by their content but by their behaviour. Meta\u2019s standards <a href=\"https:\/\/transparency.meta.com\/policies\/community-standards\/inauthentic-behavior\/\">define<\/a> \u201ccoordinated inauthentic behaviour\u201d as organized cooperation between accounts to mislead people about the identity of those behind them or the nature of their activity, and it is inferred from the timing of posting, the repetition of wording, the reuse of images and links, and the way identity is concealed. A cybersecurity expert, who spoke to Zawia3 on condition that his name not be mentioned, says the essential difference is that broad popular support \u201cdoes not need the impersonation of identities or the operation of thousands of accounts in a coordinated manner,\u201d and that the link of more than one network to specialized marketing companies suggests that digital influence was organized through a semi-professional structure, \u201ceven if the public data does not reveal the full chain of command and funding.\u201d He describes two tactics that explain the effectiveness of these networks: \u201cflooding,\u201d by pumping large quantities of posts and hashtags at close intervals so that they fill users\u2019 feeds and push competing narratives to the margins, which does not require fully automated accounts but rather central or semi-central management with a single message, hashtag and timing; and \u201crecycling,\u201d by planting a piece of information in inauthentic accounts and then recycling it through other pages until it appears on pro-government websites as circulating news, so that it becomes detached from its original source and gains credibility from the volume of circulation, not from verification. He believes these methods are effective in the short term in controlling the official narrative and preventing any debate on public policies, but in the long term they lead to a loss of trust between citizens and state institutions and a tendency to believe counter-rumours.<\/p>\n<p>This battle takes place in an unequal arena. The number of internet users in Egypt <a href=\"https:\/\/datareportal.com\/reports\/digital-2025-egypt\">reached<\/a> 96.3 million in January 2025, a penetration rate of 81.9 percent, while the advertising audience of the X platform, where most hashtag campaigns are measured, does not exceed 5.22 million users, compared with 48.7 million for Facebook. In other words, a hashtag that tops X with tens of thousands of tweets from a few dozen accounts reaches an audience nine times smaller than the audience reached by the websites and pages that republish it as a \u201ctrend.\u201d In the other direction, the law is at work: Freedom House\u2019s 2025 \u201cFreedom on the Net\u201d report classified Egypt as \u201cNot Free\u201d <a href=\"https:\/\/freedomhouse.org\/country\/egypt\/freedom-net\/2025\">with 28 points<\/a> out of 100, and recorded the blocking of the Zawia3 website inside Egypt in February 2025 as part of the blocking of news websites by decision of the Supreme Council for Media Regulation. Amnesty International <a href=\"https:\/\/www.amnestyusa.org\/press-releases\/egypt-more-than-100-arbitrarily-detained-over-calls-for-anti-government-protests\/\">said<\/a> on 18 July 2024 that security forces had arbitrarily detained 119 people since the start of the month over calls on social media to protest on 12 July against prices and power cuts, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.amnestyusa.org\/press-releases\/egypt-authorities-escalate-attacks-on-media-freedom-rounding-up-a-journalist-and-a-cartoonist\/\">and then documented<\/a> the arrest of cartoonist Ashraf Omar on 22 July. The user who confronts coordinated hashtags thus confronts, at the same time, blocking and arrest, which makes the distance between an \u201celectronic committee\u201d attacking a journalist and an investigating authority detaining him shorter than it appears.<\/p>\n<div style=\"width: 100%;\"><iframe id=\"zw-e6\" title=\"Infographic: an unequal arena\" style=\"border: none; display: block; width: 100%; height: 460px;\" src=\"https:\/\/agamalziada.github.io\/e-committees-egypt\/en-ecom-chart6-arena.html\" width=\"100%\" height=\"50\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\"><\/iframe><script>!function(){var e=document.getElementById(\"zw-e6\");window.addEventListener(\"message\",function(m){if(m.data&&m.data.type===\"chartResize\"&&m.source===e.contentWindow)e.style.height=m.data.height+\"px\";});}();<\/script><\/div>\n<div class=\"z3-article-separator\" role=\"separator\" aria-label=\"Section divider\"><svg xmlns=\"http:\/\/www.w3.org\/2000\/svg\" viewBox=\"0 140 4269 130\" preserveAspectRatio=\"xMidYMid meet\" aria-hidden=\"true\" focusable=\"false\"><path d=\"M120 211H4149\" fill=\"none\" stroke=\"#7e7e7e\" stroke-width=\"10\"\/><circle cx=\"1718\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"1718\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"1930\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"1930\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"2142\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"2142\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"2354\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"2354\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><circle cx=\"2566\" cy=\"211\" r=\"56\" fill=\"#fafafa\" stroke=\"#9c9c9c\" stroke-width=\"3\"\/><circle cx=\"2566\" cy=\"202\" r=\"50\" fill=\"#647580\" stroke=\"#4e5962\" stroke-width=\"4\"\/><\/svg><\/div>\n<h2>What Remains of the Evidence<\/h2>\n<p>On 2 April 2020, Twitter wrote the only sentence in which a global platform named who directs an Egyptian network: \u201ctaking its direction from the Egyptian government.\u201d Since that day, the platforms have not added a similar sentence, settling for the names of marketing companies, and researchers have stopped at the phrase \u201cpro-government.\u201d On 7 October 2026, the Public Prosecution wrote that a fact-checking page is \u201cone of the media platforms\u201d of a terrorist group, after a week in which the journalists said they had read their confessions from papers in front of the camera. Between the two sentences stands the conclusion of El-Sherif and Anwar: that \u201celectronic committees\u201d has become an empty signifier that each party throws at the other, and that the ambiguity itself is the tool. A state that has a cybersecurity council, an office in the prosecution for creating accounts and a law that blocks websites does not need to prove that a given platform is a committee; it is enough for it to say so in a statement, and then leave it to networks whose operators nobody knows to repeat it until it becomes an admission.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Within seven days, a single phrase travelled from the Ministry of Interior\u2019s statement to television screens, news websites and recycled old posts, then to the Public Prosecution\u2019s statement. This report traces what platforms and researchers have documented since 2019 about who produces these narratives in Egypt, and where the evidence stops.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":17839,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"om_disable_all_campaigns":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[410],"tags":[18115,18108,18106,18113,18116,18114,4161,18107,3868,1717,14259,18109],"kateb":[710],"class_list":["post-17836","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-investigations-en","tag-coordinated-inauthentic-behaviour","tag-disinformation","tag-electronic-committees","tag-electronic-flies","tag-fact-checking","tag-fake-accounts","tag-internet-freedom","tag-matsda2sh","tag-press-freedom","tag-social-media","tag-supreme-state-security-prosecution","tag-website-blocking","kateb-zawia3-com"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/10\/electronic-committees-cover-coral.jpg","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/17836","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=17836"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/17836\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":17841,"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/17836\/revisions\/17841"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/17839"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=17836"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=17836"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=17836"},{"taxonomy":"kateb","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/kateb?post=17836"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}