Social Isolation After Release: How Former Detainees Face Systematic Exclusion

Former Egyptian political detainees face persistent restrictions, including limited access to official documents, social integration difficulties, and constant security checks

Many actors in the public sphere—be they politicians, journalists, or human rights defenders—believe that their release from prison would mean the end of their suffering and the restoration of their freedoms. Yet, upon their release, they are surprised to find that restrictions imposed on them remain in place, limiting their rights for security reasons.

With rising restrictions on freedoms in Egypt, the suffering of these individuals does not end upon their release from prison. In addition to security constraints, they face social and political reintegration challenges, while continued violations of their rights affect various aspects of their lives, including professional and financial restrictions, which hinder their daily lives and place them in a state of constant isolation.

Describing his arduous journey to obtain official documents from the Supreme State Security Prosecution, Reda Khaled, 27, details his struggles after the Recruitment and Mobilization Department of the Armed Forces requested documents related to his case, under which he was detained.

Khaled recounts: “I was arrested at my home in October 2019. After disappearing for 48 hours, I was investigated by the Supreme State Security Prosecution, where I was charged with joining a terrorist group and spreading inaccurate news. About two years later, in July 2021, I was released with precautionary measures, initially required three days a week, then daily, before they were fully lifted after several months.”

Khaled, who works as a teacher, told Zawia3: “For the past two years, I’ve worked hard to rebuild my life. When I recently applied to the Recruitment Department to complete my military service procedures, I was asked to provide a set of official documents, including a copy of my case file. Although I approached the Supreme State Security Prosecution to request a copy, my request was denied, despite their knowledge that the documents are required for military recruitment. I was asked to bring an official letter from the military authority, which, in turn, refused to issue such a letter, leaving me caught between two government agencies.”

Khaled notes that failure to submit his case documents to the Recruitment Department could subject him to military investigation for concealing information, potentially leading to legal repercussions that would once again put him under legal pressure after years of seeking stability.

Khaled’s experience is part of a broader phenomenon affecting many activists who face significant challenges in obtaining official documents after their release. In January of last year, the Freedom of Thought and Expression Foundation, a non-governmental human rights organization, published a report titled “Endless Imprisonment,” which documented the violations faced by academics released in political cases.

These violations included difficulties in obtaining official papers and documents from various government institutions. For example, academic and human rights advocate Patrick George was denied a passport by the Passport Department in May 2022. George, an Egyptian academic, was sentenced to three years in prison in July 2023 by the Emergency State Security Misdemeanor Court in Mansoura’s Second District, in case No. 1086 of 2021, on charges of “disseminating false information about the country’s internal situation that could disturb public security and social peace,” following his publication of an article on Coptic rights in 2019. He was later pardoned days after the sentence was issued, having spent 22 months in pretrial detention pending the same case before his release on bail.

Rights lawyer Hala Douma told us that there is no legal basis for preventing citizens from obtaining official documents or papers after their release from prison. She explained that these obstacles are not mentioned in any legal texts or clear written instructions, which results in their persistence without the ability of citizens or their lawyers to appeal against them or address them legally.

Restricted Right to Movement

The difficulty in obtaining official documents is not the only issue hindering the lives of political detainees released from detention; restrictions on freedom of movement, a right enshrined in the Egyptian constitution, are also imposed.

Photojournalist Haidar Qandil recounted his struggles with mobility. “I was arrested from my home in Tanta, Gharbia Governorate, in December 2019 and was released on bail of 5,000 pounds in August 2020, under weekly precautionary measures. I’ve been stopped multiple times while walking in the streets by security personnel who check my ID through contact with State Security, and after a wait that can stretch for hours, they allow me to leave. This situation has made me wary of walking at night,” he says, adding that he always feels under threat, knowing he could be re-detained at any time.

The hardship of being stopped, subjected to security checks, and restricted in movement is an experience shared by many who have endured pretrial detention or detention for political cases. In June, Themis Law Firm and Legal Services published a report titled “Criminal Record Card – A Sword Hanging Over Citizens’ Right to Freedom of Movement and Travel.” The report addressed the phenomenon of stopping citizens without cause as they cross provincial checkpoints, despite their having been acquitted, excluded from accusations, had their files closed, or had similar names to those convicted. It highlighted the significant material and moral harm they endured due to the ongoing inclusion of their data in criminal record cards without any legal basis.

The report documented the testimony of one citizen who faced obstacles while traveling to a governorate in South Sinai after his release. A security officer from the Ministry of Interior insisted on preventing him from passing through the checkpoint unless he left his national ID card in the checkpoint’s administrative office, to be reclaimed upon his return.

In the same report, Themis documented multiple testimonies from citizens previously charged in cases related to freedom of expression or cases pending before criminal courts. The majority of testimonies fell into three categories: first, individuals prevented from passing through checkpoints and asked to return to Cairo; second, individuals who were allowed to pass after negotiations with police officers at checkpoints, proving their lack of security risk by presenting certificates issued by the Public Prosecution, either in hard copy or on their phones. In such cases, officers sometimes required them to leave their ID cards, to be reclaimed upon their return. In the third category, individuals were kept waiting for hours until officers decided whether to let them pass or ask them to turn back.

Bureaucracy Disrupts Lives

Abdel Rahman Tarek, known as “Mocha,” was unable to return to university after his release, as the university refused to recognize the official documents he provided explaining his absence.

Abdel Rahman, who was forced into self-imposed exile in France after failing to resume his studies and normal life, describes his ordeal. He says, “I was expelled from university due to my absence during my detention. I submitted a petition, but it was denied. As soon as I was released, I tried to return to university, and although I obtained all the necessary documents, the university again refused my re-enrollment.” He explains that he had to leave the country due to the security pressures imposed on him to participate in the National Dialogue, which he refused, opting instead to leave Egypt.

A report by the AFTE published in February 2023, titled “They Are Still Prisoners… Do Journalists’ Suffering End With Their Release?” detailed the struggles of released journalists. The report found that several journalists faced difficulties returning to their work and resuming their lives normally after their release.

“In the streets, we suffer from security harassment, facing the danger of detention at any time whenever encountering a police officer. Your fate lies in his hands, waiting for him to decide whether to let you go or send you to a State Security office,” said political activist Sherif Al-Rouby in an interview with Al Jazeera on September 4, 2022. He described the harassment and restrictions he faced in all aspects of life following his release in May 2022 after a year and a half in detention. He was later re-arrested for the fourth time just months after his release due to this interview, with State Security arresting him on September 16, 2022, in front of a hotel in Cairo’s Ahmed Helmy Square. After being hidden for a day, he appeared before the State Security Prosecution, where he was charged under Case No. 1634 of 2022 with spreading false news and joining a terrorist group.

In his television interview, Al-Rouby summed up his and other released political detainees’ plight by saying: “I am banned from traveling, and the authorities refuse to issue me a passport. I tried to contact multiple entities to allow me to travel as I cannot find work. All opponents are unable to live in Egypt, the security situation in Egypt is very dangerous, and even our friends abroad are suffering.”

Ineffective Reintegration Initiatives

The announcement of a campaign to reintegrate released political detainees back into society by the Presidential Pardon Committee, promoted by the Youth Coordination of Parties and Politicians, came just days after activist Sherif Al-Rouby’s arrest, sparking criticism from several human rights organizations. .

Meanwhile, Zawia3 was unable to obtain official figures or statistics on the number of released detainees reintegrated into society after two years of the initiative, and reports on the initiative have since disappeared this year.

Ihlem Eidarous, a founding agent of the Bread and Freedom Party, said in an interview with us: “There are many obstacles that have been documented by members of the party released in recent years, including precautionary measures, informal monitoring at National Security offices, which disrupts their work schedules, and the difficulty of obtaining case files and official documents in general, such as criminal records. In addition, there are repeated security summons.” She added that the fate of the reintegration initiative mirrors that of the Pardon Committee, questioning the committee’s role and activities, which seem to have once again disappeared without explanation.

The Bread and Freedom Party co-founder sees no genuine political will to end the abuse of security authority or resolve the issues faced by released political detainees and opponents. She views these obstacles as punishment for opponents because of their political views. “If there was genuine political will, we would at least see the Prosecution fulfilling its role in enforcing the law by releasing detainees, and the Committee playing an active role. The lack of real political will is evident from the government’s proposal of a new criminal procedures bill that includes many flaws and fails to address issues such as recycling (repeated arrests for the same charges) and enforced disappearance mechanisms.”

Rights lawyer Mamdouh Gamal believes the issue lies not in harassment but in bureaucracy and the failure to update detainees’ information in the Ministry of Interior’s system. He noted that there is no legal text permitting such practices, but in reality, many obstacles are encountered not only by political detainees but also by those involved in misdemeanor and felony cases. For example, the Employment Office refuses to issue permits to those who have previous incarceration records or unresolved cases, even years later.

He explained to Zawia3 that State Security cases often remain open, leading to denial of work permits, frequent security stops, and blockages at provincial checkpoints, leaving the person involved perpetually under suspicion, which disrupts their lives. He emphasized that such obstacles violate the constitution, which guarantees freedom of movement and travel, the right to work, and personal freedom.

Article 59 of the Egyptian Constitution stipulates that: “A safe life is a right for every human being, and the state is committed to providing security and tranquility to its citizens and all residents on its territory.” Article 62 states: “Freedom of movement, residence, and migration is guaranteed. No citizen shall be expelled from the state’s territory, prevented from returning to it, or prevented from leaving the state’s territory, or subjected to house arrest or a ban on residing in a specific place except by a reasoned judicial order for a specified period, and in cases defined by law.” Article 99 stipulates that “Any infringement on personal freedom or the sanctity of citizens’ private lives, or other rights and freedoms guaranteed by the Constitution and the law, constitutes a crime that shall not lapse under the statute of limitations, and the state shall guarantee fair compensation for the victim. The National Council for Human Rights has the right to inform the Public Prosecution of any violation of these rights.”

The struggles of opposition figures and public figures who experience hardships after being released from prison reflect the state of political life and the public sphere in the country. Despite claims of political relaxation following the decision to revive the Presidential Pardon Committee and the holding of the National Dialogue, opposition figures and public figures still suffer restrictions on their fundamental freedoms, including the constant threat of security pursuit and the denial of civil and economic rights as guaranteed by the Egyptian Constitution and international agreements, raising doubts about the seriousness of the claimed political reform or détente.

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