A proposed amendment to Egypt’s Sports Clubs Law has triggered widespread controversy across the athletic community, particularly among major clubs that view the proposed changes as a threat to their administrative independence and a reduction of the authority held by their general assemblies. At the heart of the debate is a proposal to establish a “National Sports Authority” headed by the Minister of Youth and Sports—a move critics see as a step backward, paving the way for renewed government dominance over the sports sector, reminiscent of the now-defunct Supreme Council for Sports. While the government insists that the changes aim to modernize legislative frameworks and promote governance, others argue that the bill could enable direct intervention in the affairs of sports institutions and raises concerns about a potential wave of privatization targeting fan-owned clubs without adequate safeguards.
The controversy dates back to March, when the Egyptian government introduced new amendments to the Sports Clubs Law. The proposed legislation is expected to reshape the relationship between the state and sports clubs and establish a new framework for handling privatization and sports investment. However, the bill has not been received quietly; instead, it has sparked intense debate among both sports professionals and parliamentarians, especially given provisions that some believe threaten the stability of public clubs and open the door to state interference, which is internationally condemned.
Since the draft was released, many clubs and sports analysts have voiced dissatisfaction with what they describe as a “sudden rollout” of the law, without meaningful community dialogue. Critics and sports media professionals told Zawia3 that the failure to consult veteran sports figures and journalists marks a regression from the approach taken during the drafting of the current law in 2017, when club representatives and media figures were invited to parliamentary hearings. They describe the current situation as “confusing and opaque,” noting that the government has yet to officially approve the draft law, while the Youth and Sports Committee in Parliament has begun requesting clarifications from relevant bodies on several contentious articles.
The proposed legislation stipulates that “the term of office for the board of directors of sports entities shall be four years from the date of their election. As for sports federations, the term shall be four years or until the end of the Olympic cycle—whichever comes first. No board may serve more than two consecutive terms.”
According to media reports, this amendment is set to apply retroactively upon official ratification, meaning that current boards who have completed two consecutive terms will be ineligible to run for re-election. Among those most affected is Mahmoud El-Khatib, President of Al Ahly Sporting Club, who has already served two consecutive terms and would therefore be disqualified from seeking a third. A significant number of Al Ahly’s current board members would also be impacted by this change, with only three members currently not subject to the two-term limitation.
What Are the Key Points of Contention?
The ongoing controversy surrounding the draft law centers on three main issues. First and foremost is the proposed establishment of a “National Sports Authority,” a body that many experts argue would effectively revive the model of the now-defunct Supreme Council for Sports. This raises concerns about renewed government interference in the affairs of sports federations—an action that would likely contravene the rules of international bodies such as FIFA and the International Olympic Committee, both of which prohibit state intervention in the management of independent sports organizations.
The second point of contention involves the issue of privatization. The draft legislation fails to clearly define how privatization would be implemented—whether it would involve listing clubs on the stock exchange or opening the door for private sector management. This lack of clarity has drawn criticism from major fan-based clubs such as Ismaily and Al Masry, which fear that these amendments could threaten their historic identities and convert them into profit-driven entities. These clubs warn that such a shift could deepen the divide between traditional clubs and corporate-backed teams that benefit from broader financial support.
The third and perhaps most controversial provision concerns the reinstatement of the “eight-year rule,” which would limit board members of sports entities to two consecutive terms. Critics argue that this provision was previously repealed for valid reasons and should not be reintroduced without a comprehensive study justifying its reinstatement and assessing its potential impact on administrative stability in sports clubs.
In response, Al Ahly Sporting Club issued an official statement on Wednesday, announcing that it had sent a letter to Prime Minister Mostafa Madbouly requesting access to the proposed amendments and calling for broad public dialogue on the matter. The club stated that the aim was to ensure the proposed revisions align with the Egyptian Constitution, principles of transparency and participation, as well as the Olympic Charter and international standards. The statement emphasized the importance of reinforcing democratic participation and acknowledging the role of general assemblies within sports institutions, asserting that the inclusion of clubs and stakeholders in legislative discussions is essential to strengthening Egypt’s leadership in drafting modern sports laws.
The letter further noted that the draft amendments, submitted to the Cabinet by the Minister of Youth and Sports, had not yet been shared with clubs or sports organizations—raising questions about the lack of transparency in a process that, under President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi’s administration, has otherwise promoted transparency in governance. Al Ahly also stated that it had previously reached out to Youth and Sports Minister Dr. Ashraf Sobhy, requesting access to the draft law in order to review and provide feedback and recommendations that serve the national interest and support a balanced legal environment for sports.
During a press conference following Wednesday’s weekly Cabinet meeting, Prime Minister Madbouly stressed that the new sports law is not targeting any individual or specific entity. He explained that the legislative initiative stems from a long-term vision aimed at ensuring the law remains effective for the next 20 to 30 years, not just for short-term use. He confirmed the Cabinet had granted preliminary approval for the draft and had instructed relevant authorities to reexamine several of its provisions in collaboration with legal experts, ensuring precision in the law’s language and clarity in its objectives. Madbouly reiterated that Egypt is governed by institutions, not individuals, and the government’s priority is to build a strong, well-managed sports system that serves the public interest.
Madbouly also disclosed that he met with Minister Ashraf Sobhy earlier that day to discuss the recent uproar on social media regarding the law. He affirmed the government’s willingness to consider all viewpoints and its commitment to developing a balanced legislative framework that respects both independence and accountability in sports.
Responding to Al Ahly’s statement, the Ministry of Youth and Sports issued a clarification through spokesperson Mohamed El-Shazly on Thursday, April 17. He confirmed that the proposed amendments are still under development and have yet to be finalized. “Since Minister Ashraf Sobhy assumed office in 2018, we’ve been working on updating the current Law No. 71 of 2017 with necessary improvements, although the law itself remains fundamentally sound,” El-Shazly stated.
He added that a public dialogue on the amendments will take place after the drafting process is completed, in collaboration with the House of Representatives, the sole body authorized to pass legislation. El-Shazly also noted that some clubs had bypassed established protocols by contacting the Prime Minister directly and issuing public statements before receiving any official responses. He stressed that consulting with approximately 1,200 clubs individually would be administratively unfeasible.
El-Shazly emphasized that the ministry had previously organized consultative meetings attended by representatives from Al Ahly and other federations and clubs, during which issues like the eight-year rule were openly discussed. He criticized some of the current objections as lacking institutional maturity and added, “No volunteer board has the right to impose preconditions on the length of its tenure—this decision ultimately lies with Parliament.”
Regarding the International Olympic Committee’s stance, El-Shazly confirmed that Minister Sobhy met with the IOC President during the ANOCA (Association of National Olympic Committees of Africa) meetings held in Algeria on April 14–15. According to El-Shazly, the meeting was positive and the IOC welcomed the proposed changes while requesting a translated draft of the law for further discussion.
In conclusion, El-Shazly reiterated that the ministry “is not against anyone,” asserting that the new law will fully align with both the Olympic Charter and the Egyptian Constitution. He emphasized that no final decisions have been made regarding the term limits or other contentious clauses and that there remains ample room for dialogue and consensus.
On the National Sports Authority: A Step Backward
Sports media analyst Amir Abdel Halim argues that the proposed amendments to Egypt’s sports law are being introduced in an environment that lacks genuine consultation with experienced professionals, representing a significant regression from the approach taken during the drafting of the current law. He recalls that the existing legislation was discussed extensively in parliamentary sessions, with invitations extended to sports journalists, public figures, and representatives from major fan-based clubs. Abdel Halim himself was among those whose opinions were heard during the process.
Speaking to Zawia3, he says that at the time, Minister of Youth and Sports Ashraf Sobhy was receptive to several suggestions, which contributed to the creation of a balanced law. In contrast, the current amendments have not involved any open discussion or exchange of ideas, leaving them devoid of even the minimal standards of public dialogue—what Abdel Halim describes as the first serious flaw in the proposed reform process.
He expresses strong reservations about the proposed creation of the “National Sports Authority,” stating that the entity lacks a clear justification, especially given its significant overlap in responsibilities with the now-defunct Supreme Council for Sports. He warns that the proposed authority could revive the specter of government interference in sports—a scenario that previously led to Egypt’s federations being frozen by international bodies. “Even if the name changes, the nearly identical functions signal a backward step. Fears of government interference in federation affairs are legitimate and may be a core reason why many clubs are opposed,” he warns.
One of the most contentious issues, Abdel Halim notes, is the vague language around the privatization of sports clubs. He believes the lack of clarity on the nature of the proposed privatization raises serious concerns, especially for major community-based clubs. “Will shares be listed on the stock market? Will majority control go to the highest bidder? Or will elected boards continue to govern?” he asks.
Abdel Halim argues that such concerns are completely valid, particularly as many of the country’s major fan-based clubs face severe financial distress and are in urgent need of investment—without wanting to lose their identity or become beholden to capital interests. He cites clubs like Ismaily, Al Masry, and Zamalek as examples of teams grappling with financial crises, while corporate-backed clubs are rapidly gaining influence. While he supports the need for investment in sports, he insists that it must be governed by transparent and fair regulations that balance funding needs with preserving the community connection of legacy clubs.
On the proposed reinstatement of the eight-year term limit for board members, Abdel Halim is equally skeptical. He argues that reintroducing the rule without providing a clear rationale raises serious questions. “If it was repealed in the past, there should be a sound explanation for bringing it back. What tangible benefits does it offer? Was this decision based on thorough institutional analysis, or is it an uncalculated move?” he asks.
According to Abdel Halim, such legitimate questions have yet to receive any clear answers, largely because the government has not initiated any meaningful dialogue with stakeholders in the sports and media sectors. This lack of transparency, he argues, has only deepened the confusion and uncertainty surrounding the proposed amendments.
He adds that the legislative landscape remains murky, with no official approval yet issued by the government, even as Parliament has begun requesting clarifications on various articles. Abdel Halim notes that the House’s legal advisory committee has already started submitting technical and legal queries about specific provisions—a natural and expected development, given the vagueness and lack of transparency in several areas.
“Revising the sports law is a matter of great importance,” Abdel Halim concludes. “But it cannot be done in isolation. This is a public-interest issue that affects the national mood and requires genuine public engagement before any binding decisions are made.”
Other Challenges
Sports writer and critic Hani Abdel Nabi affirms that the first version of Egypt’s Sports Law, enacted between 2014 and 2017, was a significant initial step despite its flaws—particularly its failure to establish a professional sports arbitration system in line with the Egyptian constitution. In an interview with Zawia3, Abdel Nabi explains: “The major issue when the law was first conceived revolved around how to build a sports arbitration system that wouldn’t conflict with the regular judiciary and that would also be internationally recognized. Before the law, there was no acknowledgment of decisions made by local arbitration centers, which led many stakeholders to appeal to the Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS) to overturn local rulings, especially in football.”
Abdel Nabi notes that “with the implementation of the law under Minister Khaled Abdel Aziz, several major disputes emerged, such as the eight-year term limit and the Olympic Committee’s Settlement and Arbitration Center. Later, a court ruling deemed some of its decisions unconstitutional, which effectively paralyzed its role and reignited debate about the need for a more professional and legitimate alternative system.”
He adds, “We now face a significant challenge in reforming the sports law. One of the main points under discussion is the restructuring of the Settlement and Arbitration Center to meet international standards. Egypt has outstanding legal and sports experts on the global stage who have not been adequately involved. It’s inconceivable that figures like Dr. Nabil El-Araby, former member of the Court of Arbitration for Sport’s Board of Trustees, were not consulted during the drafting of the law.”
Abdel Nabi emphasizes the importance of the current Minister of Youth and Sports, Dr. Ashraf Sobhy, working with experts from the Cairo Regional Centre for International Commercial Arbitration, as well as Egyptian international arbitrators working abroad, to establish a credible and professional sports arbitration center in Egypt—one that can resolve disputes efficiently and elevate the entire sports sector.
In recent weeks, many public and fan-based clubs have been coordinating to form a unified position, planning to submit a formal letter to the Ministry of Youth and Sports expressing their objections to certain aspects of the proposed amendments. These clubs believe the amendments would curtail their administrative powers and allow increased control over their governance, while private and corporate-backed clubs appear exempt from such changes—undermining fair competition and jeopardizing the future of traditional community clubs. Some clubs have already submitted their complaints to Minister Sobhy, warning of the potential implications on competitive balance.
The controversy has further intensified following objections raised by legal advisors at the Ministry of Justice over several articles in the draft law. These include Articles 18, 29, and 45 bis, as well as numerous others through Article 92, which were reportedly deemed unconstitutional. The sudden proposal of these changes, without prior community consultation or coordination with clubs and legal experts, has triggered widespread discontent within the sports community. Many critics argue that the process lacks transparency and disregards the voices of those most affected by the legislation.
Privatization and Investment in Sports Clubs
Regarding the ongoing debate over privatization and investment in Egyptian sports clubs, Hani Abdel Nabi clarifies that “people are confusing sports investment with full-scale privatization.” He notes that the current law already allows clubs to establish companies and invest in their assets—either by listing on the stock exchange or creating subsidiaries—but that this does not equate to selling off major clubs or relinquishing their identity. He cites previous examples, saying: “Take Al Ahly, for instance. It has been investing through companies and hotels for years, including the Hilton Ramses Hotel, and this is reflected in their official financial statements. Even before the latest amendments, the law allowed such activities in a limited capacity. The current legal framework further encourages investment but doesn’t open the door to outright privatization.”
Abdel Nabi emphasizes that Minister Sobhy has explicitly stated that full privatization is not on the table. Instead, sports investment is being promoted within the government’s broader strategy to strengthen the sector through economically viable institutions that preserve clubs’ public identities while supporting national teams.
Egypt is aiming to attract 6 billion EGP in new investments into the sports sector this year, according to Sobhy, who revealed during the “Voice of Egypt” summit that the ministry is working with the Egyptian Stock Exchange to prepare sports-related companies for public offerings. He also announced the launch of a digital platform for sports services aimed at encouraging private-sector participation in establishing sports companies across the country. The government is currently reviewing several regulatory amendments to facilitate investment—one of which would lift a ban preventing club board members from investing in football companies owned by their respective clubs.
According to Sobhy, Egypt’s sports sector attracted about 54 billion EGP in investment over the past five years—30 billion from the government and 24 billion from the private sector. The ministry is also working to expand Egypt’s role as a host for international sports events, having organized 266 events in 2023 alone. The sector is projected to be worth approximately $510 million by 2032, offering promising opportunities for international investors and sports firms.
Regarding club privatization, Sobhy clarified that Egyptian clubs hold a unique status, as they are not solely athletic institutions but also serve economic, social, and cultural roles—making full privatization difficult. However, he acknowledged the potential for privatizing football companies and management firms affiliated with clubs. This move is part of a broader strategy to increase the sports sector’s contribution to Egypt’s GDP to 3%, up from the current 1.3%, by stimulating investment and encouraging deeper private-sector involvement in this crucial field.
The Eight-Year Clause: A Renewed Battle
Hani Abdel Nabi addresses the controversial eight-year term limit clause, describing it as “one of the most complex and contentious issues currently being debated in the proposed amendments.” He states, “We’re revisiting a debate that erupted more than 12 years ago during the presidency of Captain Hassan Hamdy at Al Ahly, when international pressure led to the abolition of the clause. Now, we’re discussing its reinstatement.”
He continues: “The push to revive this clause comes partly from attempts by certain sports figures—who failed to achieve notable Olympic results—to re-enter the electoral scene and reclaim influence despite public opposition. This has prompted the state to consider reintroducing legal constraints aimed at curbing prolonged dominance and fostering leadership rotation.” Abdel Nabi adds that “serious pressure is currently being exerted on Dr. Hassan Mostafa, Vice President of the International Olympic Committee, to convey Egypt’s perspective to international bodies, with the aim of securing consensus on implementing the eight-year rule in a way that doesn’t violate the Olympic Charter.”
He also points out that “Al Ahly has recently submitted an official request to the Ministry of Sports and the Prime Minister’s Office to obtain a copy of the proposed amendments—specifically to weigh in on this clause, which directly impacts the landscape of sports governance in Egypt.”
In conclusion, Abdel Nabi outlines three key issues at the heart of the Sports Law amendments: “First, the arbitration system and the urgent need to establish a center that complies with international standards; second, the eight-year clause and its legal and political implications; and third, the ongoing confusion between ‘sports investment’ and full-scale ‘privatization,’ which must be clarified by the relevant authorities to avoid public confusion and maintain the stability of the sports sector moving forward.”
A Critical Moment for Reform
Amid this intensifying debate, it is clear that the proposed amendments to Egypt’s Sports Clubs Law have moved beyond technical legal revisions to become a litmus test for the state’s commitment to transparency, community participation, and the autonomy of sports institutions. While the government maintains that these changes are designed to foster development and build a more sustainable sports ecosystem, many voices within the sports community argue that the current process lacks the necessary balance between state authority and the independence of club general assemblies.
Without a genuine and inclusive dialogue involving clubs, stakeholders, and experts, the new legislation risks becoming a source of division rather than progress—especially in light of growing international concerns about potential state interference. The future of Egyptian sports now hangs in the balance, and the success of these reforms will depend on whether all voices are genuinely heard—or whether decisions will once again be imposed from the top down.
