In what has been described as the highest turnout in the history of Egypt’s Press Syndicate, Khaled El-Balshy—affiliated with the independence movement and known for his leftist leanings—secured a second consecutive term as Syndicate President. El-Balshy won the election by a margin of over 700 votes against his main contender, Abdel Mohsen Salama, former Syndicate President and current Chairman of the Al-Ahram Foundation, who was widely seen as the pro-government candidate.
The judicial committee overseeing the elections, headed by Syndicate Council member Gamal Abdel Rahim, announced that 6,051 journalists out of 10,232 registered members cast their votes—an almost 60% turnout, the highest since the Syndicate’s founding. El-Balshy received 3,346 votes (55%), while Salama garnered 2,562 votes.
El-Balshy: A Syndicate Leader Emerging from the Heart of the Struggle
Journalistic Career
Khaled Mohamed Zaki El-Balshy was born in 1972 and graduated from the Faculty of Mass Communication, Cairo University. He began his journalistic career at Rose Al-Youssef magazine in 1998, then joined Al-Dostour newspaper in 2005 as deputy editor-in-chief. In 2007, he became editor-in-chief of the independent newspaper Al-Badeel, continuing until its closure in 2012.
After the January 2011 revolution, El-Balshy moved into independent digital journalism, founding and managing several prominent online news outlets. He launched the Al-Bedaiah news website in 2012 and served as its editor-in-chief in intermittent periods (2012–2013 and 2015–2018). He also worked as editor-in-chief of the Al-Wady news portal in 2014. In 2018, he founded the Kateb website and served as its editor-in-chief, but it was shut down after a few months due to pressure. In 2020, he contributed to launching the independent Darb news website, which was blocked by the authorities during a broad campaign that targeted dozens of media outlets.
Throughout his career, El-Balshy was known for his bold writings and investigative reports advocating for citizens’ rights. His articles focused on corruption, social justice, and public freedoms. He was among the most prominent journalistic voices opposing the 2016 agreement to relinquish the Tiran and Sanafir islands to Saudi Arabia, defending the Egyptian ownership of the islands. This national position, along with other critical stances, brought his writings praise from press freedom advocates, but also subjected him to criticism and pressure from state-run media institutions which considered his approach oppositional to the official narrative.
Syndicate Activity
Khaled El-Balshy became involved in press union work since the early days of the January revolution. He was elected a member of the Egyptian Journalists Syndicate Board in 2013 and remained until 2017, during which he served as the syndicate’s deputy and head of the Freedoms Committee. Through this position, he played a significant role in defending journalists’ rights, leading campaigns to support imprisoned journalists and oppose restrictive media laws.
El-Balshy and his colleagues faced a historic clash with authorities in 2016 when security forces raided the syndicate’s headquarters to arrest two protesting journalists. As a result, El-Balshy, then-president Yehia Qalash, and others were urgently referred to trial on charges of “harboring wanted persons” and were sentenced to one year in prison with suspension. The incident was unprecedented in the syndicate’s history. El-Balshy refused to pay the bail in protest against the arbitrary action, placing the authorities in a dilemma and boosting his popularity among journalists.
El-Balshy remained active in defending his colleagues via the syndicate even after leaving the board in 2017. He ran in multiple midterm elections afterward, seeking a return to the board, but did not win a seat in the 2019 and 2021 rounds. Despite this, he did not stop his independent union activity. In the March 2023 elections, he ran for the position of syndicate head with support from the press independence bloc and won surprisingly against the government-backed candidate Khaled Miri, securing 2,450 votes against Miri’s 2,211.
During his first two-year term, El-Balshy focused on improving journalists’ financial and professional conditions and defending their rights. He worked on solving accreditation issues and creating job opportunities for unemployed journalists. In May 2025, journalists renewed their trust in him by electing him for a second term with 55% of the votes, beating government-aligned candidate Abdel Mohsen Salama.
Political Activity and Positions
Khaled El-Balshy has been known for his engagement in public affairs and his opposition to successive regimes in Egypt, while maintaining his independence from traditional political parties. Politically, he is classified as part of the progressive leftist current and recently joined the political bureau of the Socialist Popular Alliance Party, affirming his social convictions.
Under former President Hosni Mubarak, he participated in the “Kefaya” movement (2004–2005), one of the earliest popular movements opposing succession and authoritarianism. He maintained a critical stance against Mubarak’s policies through his journalism. During the Muslim Brotherhood’s rule and President Mohamed Morsi’s term, El-Balshy remained on his independent path, opposing any violations of press freedom. In June 2013, he hosted the first press conference of the “Tamarod” movement at the syndicate’s headquarters—a movement that led protests demanding Morsi’s removal.
With Abdel Fattah El-Sisi assuming power in 2014, El-Balshy emerged as one of the most critical journalistic voices. He denounced the restriction of freedoms under El-Sisi’s rule, supported national causes and public freedoms, and strongly opposed the maritime border agreement with Saudi Arabia, rejecting the relinquishment of Tiran and Sanafir. This resulted in official smear campaigns against him, including accusations of affiliation with anti-state movements, repeated security detentions, and bans from publishing in state-owned newspapers.
Despite his declared leftist inclinations, El-Balshy consistently asserts his independence as a representative of all journalists. He has succeeded in establishing a reputation as an independent union leader who defends his colleagues regardless of their political backgrounds.
Position on Press Freedom and Expression
El-Balshy is one of the most prominent defenders of press freedom in Egypt over the past two decades. He has consistently taken strong positions against censorship and repression and views freedom of expression as a fundamental right for both journalists and citizens. He opposed the imprisonment of journalists over their opinions, considering it a red line not to be crossed. During his time as head of the Freedoms Committee, he organized campaigns in support of detained journalists and held solidarity press conferences.
Among those initiatives was a conference in June 2014 against the harsh protest law, which was forcibly dispersed by pro-regime supporters. El-Balshy used his media platforms, such as Al-Bedaiah and Darb, to publish regular reports on the conditions of prisoners of conscience and called for their release. Upon his election as syndicate head in 2023, he declared that his priority was to “raise the ceiling of press freedom and free every journalist behind bars for their opinion.” In 2025, he reaffirmed that stance with the slogan: “Long live press freedom… long live a free press.”
In 2022, he underwent an official investigation for allegedly publishing “false news” on his social media accounts, but the case was closed due to lack of evidence. He was awarded the Nelson Mandela Award for Freedoms in 2017 in recognition of his efforts to defend freedom of expression and human rights.
Relationship with Media Institutions and the Political Authority
El-Balshy’s relationship with official media institutions and political authority has been consistently tense due to his commitment to independent journalism. He worked in private and independent institutions, and the websites he led were blocked by unofficial orders as part of a widespread campaign that affected around 600 media outlets since 2013. He faced several legal prosecutions, including 2015 charges of inciting protests, before the charges were dropped.
Despite this, he maintained a negotiation channel with official institutions when necessary. After assuming the syndicate leadership, he negotiated with the Supreme Council for Media Regulation and the government to improve journalist salaries and raise the training allowance, achieving real increases during 2023 and 2024. However, he also faced repeated threats from authorities, including hints at placing the syndicate under administrative control or cutting financial support if he won.
He responded to these threats by declaring that “the dignity of journalists and the independence of their syndicate is above any material consideration.” His re-election confirmed that the will of free journalists had triumphed over official intimidation. Today, El-Balshy is regarded as a unique figure in Egypt’s media landscape: a leader who engages with institutions when necessary, but never compromises on press freedom or the dignity of journalists and is ready to bear the consequences of his positions in defense of union independence.
In light of this professional and unionist background, El-Balshy entered the latest midterm race with a message centered on the syndicate’s independence, in contrast to his rival, who relied on heavy service-based promises—especially after Abdel Mohsen Salama announced an “unprecedented economic package” including promises of housing and land allocations for journalists. These promises sparked significant debate within syndicate circles and were met with skepticism from many journalists and unionists, particularly given the absence of any official confirmation from relevant ministries. Critics saw them as an attempt to rally votes by exploiting the economic hardships journalists have suffered in recent years.
Journalists Vote for Independence Over Promises
The stark contrast between the platforms of Abdel Mohsen Salama and Khaled El-Balshy became the central point of polarization in Egypt’s midterm Press Syndicate elections. Salama—the former syndicate head and the pro-government candidate—focused his campaign on financial promises, offering housing units, land plots, and an “unprecedented” increase in the training and technology allowance. He also invoked the issue of press freedoms, despite his own controversial record during his 2017–2019 term, which witnessed the enactment of the Media and Journalism Regulation Law—widely regarded as a key moment in the restriction of press freedom. During that period, he consistently denied the existence of jailed journalists for publishing-related offenses.
In contrast, Khaled El-Balshy’s platform centered on strengthening the Syndicate’s independence and restoring its role as a collective professional body. He pledged to continue reforms initiated during his previous term, including revising the allowance disbursement system to include agency journalists and retirees, securing permanent contracts for journalists on temporary arrangements, and holding media institutions accountable for improving wages.
This sharp divergence led to a split among the general assembly, often described as the choice between “the card or the cash”—a metaphor contrasting the preservation of the Syndicate’s independent identity with the allure of financial incentives. In the end, the majority sided with the “card,” signaling a clear preference among journalists to defend their Syndicate’s autonomy despite mounting pressures.
The surprises didn’t end with El-Balshy’s victory. Two prominent figures from the independence camp were also elected to the Syndicate’s council: Mohamed Saad Abdel Hafiz, who retained his seat for a third term, and journalist Iman Ouf, known for her strong advocacy for press freedom. Their wins reflect a significant shift in the Syndicate’s internal dynamics, marked by the emergence of a new bloc of younger journalists—many of whom are outside the state-run press ecosystem, where hiring has been frozen. This development has diminished the impact of government-linked promises in favor of addressing urgent existential challenges facing the journalism profession.
The Syndicate Breaks with Centralization
Journalist and writer Mona Ezzat sees the recent midterm elections of the Egyptian Press Syndicate as a true turning point in the history of union activism. For the first time, the long-standing dominance of state-owned media institutions over the Syndicate’s top post has been broken. While there have been limited precedents, this is the first instance where a president not affiliated with any state-owned outlet has been re-elected for two consecutive terms—what Ezzat calls a decisive rupture with a once “sacred” power structure.
According to Ezzat, this election went beyond the “protest vote” label often attached to the previous cycle. Instead, it reflected a conscious choice based on a clear agenda centered on rights. The general assembly elected Khaled El-Balshy not merely in rejection of a rival candidate, but in firm support of a unionist platform prioritizing dignity and institutional independence.
She sharply criticizes Abdel Mohsen Salama’s campaign rhetoric, which she describes as “exaggerated service-oriented populism” through promises of exceptional increases in technology stipends, land allocations, and unprecedented benefits. Many journalists, she notes, saw this as leveraging state power and adopting a paternalistic tone that reduced the relationship between candidate and members to one of patronage, not partnership. In contrast, journalists who benefited from El-Balshy’s term stood firm in their belief that “dignity is not for sale,” and that services should be won through negotiation—not handed out as electoral favors.
Ezzat further notes that Salama’s discourse revived the narrative of state-media institutional dominance—particularly his emphasis on Al-Ahram’s role and the need for “major institutions” to reclaim control of the Syndicate. According to her, this narrative is one the journalistic community has long resisted and has now definitively rejected in favor of a democratic and pluralistic professional vision.
She emphasizes that this election was exceptional because it was based on values and positions, not short-term interests. The general assembly expressed its choices with clarity—summed up by El-Balshy’s declaration: “I am honored to be the candidate of the general assembly, not the state… I negotiate with the state on behalf of the general assembly.” For Ezzat, this statement encapsulates the approach El-Balshy has consistently upheld over the past two years and carried forward into his campaign.
Ezzat concludes by noting that the results reflect a nuanced balance, as the assembly elected six council members from diverse professional and unionist backgrounds, showing a clear intent to maintain equilibrium within the Syndicate’s leadership. While service-related concerns still hold sway and contributed to the success of some candidates, they were not sufficient to shape the overall direction—ultimately, the general assembly sided with the discourse of dignity over the logic of handouts.
Women in the Press Syndicate: Effective Representation Beyond Symbolism
The midterm elections of the Egyptian Press Syndicate witnessed a remarkable presence of women journalists, with ten female candidates running among 43 total contenders—a historic high in terms of women’s participation. Journalist Iman Ouf succeeded in winning a “below-40” council seat after a tightly contested race, reinforcing the presence of women in the Syndicate not as symbolic figures, but as effective representatives with real influence.
Though the other female candidates did not win, the number of votes they received signaled a notable shift in the general assembly’s awareness of the importance of women’s representation and a growing recognition of women journalists’ competence in union work. Former Syndicate Council member Karem Mahmoud emphasized that what distinguished this election cycle was not only the number of female candidates, but also their strong performance. He noted that Iman Ouf—known for her pro-independence stance and defense of press freedom—secured a seat, while her colleagues Viola Fahmy and Doaa El-Naggar achieved impressive results despite the fierce competition.
Journalist and writer Mona Ezzat echoed this assessment, describing Ouf’s victory as a turning point in how the press community perceives women within the Syndicate. She noted that the vote was not driven by sentiment but was a clear endorsement of a strong track record, especially in matters of press freedom and professional integrity. Ezzat sees this win as moving beyond tokenism, establishing a substantive and impactful role for women in union decision-making.
Commenting on the developments, Iman Ouf told Zawia3 that the vote count revealed a qualitative shift in voting trends. She observed that many journalists—both male and female—cast their votes for multiple women candidates, a notable departure from previous elections in which women were often absent from electoral lists or included as symbolic tokens.
Ouf praised the campaigns of several fellow candidates, including Sherine Al-Akkad, Viola Fahmy, and Mahasen El-Sennousi, noting their strong platforms and serious engagement—particularly in the highly competitive “above-40” category. She described this election cycle as a partial breakthrough in women’s representation in the Syndicate, paving the way for broader participation in the future.
She added that what distinguished this round of elections was the clarity and specificity of many women’s campaign agendas, which tackled overlooked issues such as working conditions for women journalists, disparities in promotion, maternity leave, and unsafe work environments. Some candidates also proposed initiatives such as “professional conduct charters” to regulate internal relations within newsrooms—an idea that sparked debate but was welcomed by many journalists who supported such proposals.
Ouf concluded by stating that the results of this election mark only the beginning. She affirmed that the path is now open for more women to take seats on the council, provided they are equipped with competence, professional awareness, and active presence—making women’s representation in the Syndicate a rightful expectation, not an occasional exception.
The General Assembly Rejects Government Interference in Syndicate Elections
The results of the midterm elections of the Egyptian Press Syndicate were widely viewed as a direct response by the General Assembly to attempts at government interference in union affairs. Journalist Hisham Fouad revealed that two distinct blocs competed in the election: one composed of editors-in-chief and board chairpersons appointed by the National Press Authority, headed by candidate Abdel Mohsen Salama, the main rival to incumbent Khaled El-Balshy, who represents the independent unionist movement.
Speaking to Zawia3, Fouad stated that this bloc used various pressure tactics—from direct threats to promises of benefits—in efforts to sway voters. He emphasized that these practices were “well-known and documented,” and added that official bodies pressured journalists in the provinces and mobilized loyalist political parties to support the pro-government candidate. As a result, the elections were no longer a purely professional contest, but rather one entangled with political and security interests.
On the other hand, the opposing bloc consisted of journalists committed to defending the independence and freedom of the Syndicate, refusing to be subordinated to any authority. Fouad said that El-Balshy’s victory reflected a clear preference for this camp, which prioritized dignity over material incentives. He noted that Salama’s past tenure, marked by support for restrictive press laws and his failure to take a stand on imprisoned journalists, had cost him the trust of many voters.
Fouad also pointed to direct intervention by several ministries in Salama’s favor, citing campaign meetings between him and three government ministers during the election period—an interference he deemed “blatant” and requiring a firm response. He further argued that Egypt’s worsening economic conditions had deprived the authorities of their usual electoral “bribes,” exposing the weakness of their promises in contrast to a proven track record of union independence and resilience.
He criticized the disregard of a resolution previously adopted by the General Assembly, which prohibits simultaneously holding both the position of Syndicate president and a seat on the Supreme Council for Media Regulation. This resolution, though reaffirmed by the Assembly, has yet to be implemented.
In a similar vein, council member Mahmoud Kamel, in a statement published on his official page, denounced “serious violations” by official entities during the election. He said that journalists in various provinces received “documented threats and calls,” while anonymous social media pages spread divisive rhetoric aimed at influencing voter behavior.
Kamel wrote: “Some government bodies, including the National Press Authority—which is supposed to be independent under the constitution—held meetings with editors-in-chief to rally support for a specific candidate. National newspaper resources were used to organize campaign banquets, and direct and indirect threats were made against temporary journalists, warning them they would not be appointed if they backed the opposition candidate.”
The official election results were announced in the early hours of Saturday, May 3, following vote counts supervised by the judicial committee. Six council members were elected: Hussein El-Zanaty, Ayman Abdel Megid, Mohamed Saad Abdel Hafeez, Mohamed Shabana, Mohamed El-Sayed El-Shazly, and journalist Iman Ouf. The race featured 51 candidates—eight for the presidency and 43 for six council seats. The Syndicate holds midterm elections every two years for half of its 12-member council, with the president serving a two-year term.
Fouad concluded by emphasizing the need for the General Assembly to maintain its role as a watchdog, applying sustained pressure on the elected council to uphold its decisions and defend the Syndicate’s independence from political or governmental control.
