We are the third way, and that’s why we suffer. The Egyptian citizen is caught between the tyranny of the government and the misery of the opposition.
The genocide war in Gaza since October 7, 2023, has dominated the public scene in Cairo, overshadowing the ongoing political disputes in Egypt. It now ranks third after citizens’ preoccupations with following investment deals and economic reforms regularly announced by the government, the latest being the Ras El-Hikma deal and the Central Bank’s decision to float the local currency according to market mechanisms, which has led to a further decline in the purchasing power of the Egyptian pound.
An observer would find a link between journalist and politician Ahmed Altantawy’s attempt to run in the recent presidential elections and the protests in Egypt in support of Gaza. Egyptian prisons are still filled with protesters supporting the Palestinian cause, as well as new members from Altantawy’s presidential campaign. Between Gaza and Egypt, Altantawy stands alone against the government amid the opposition parties’ withdrawal of support.
Zawia3 interviewed Ahmed Altantawy—who was unable to run in the last presidential elections and is the Deputy Founder of the under-formation Hope Coalition Party—to explore his views on the Egyptian political scene post-presidential elections, addressing widespread criticisms from within the opposition ranks, and his stance on supporting Gaza and the latest developments.
Gaza: Resilience and Heroism
Can the proposed truce succeed, ending the ongoing conflict in Gaza since last October?
There is a difference between ending the conflict and ending the war. I believe that this round between the Palestinian resistance and the Zionist occupation must end soon, especially if we talk about international law or basic human principles.
The Zionist side, which has excessively committed massacres and aggression, cannot win this round. However, practically and objectively, this is not a round aimed at achieving a victory that changes reality but rather brings the Palestinian people closer to their full or at least acceptable rights.
One of the few countries capable of playing an effective role due to its size and geographical proximity is Egypt, but its problem lies in its political will.
Despite Cairo’s numerous efforts, Egyptians feel it has fallen short and accuse it of negligence. What is your response?
If we weigh the efforts against international law and humanitarian standards, we find we have failed not only the Palestinian people but ourselves. I have called for measures from the beginning of the Gaza conflict, which the Egyptian authorities should have implemented immediately as a minimum support for Palestinian resilience.
In my opinion, humanitarianism means utilizing all possible influence Egypt has to halt the occupation’s aggression and to embark on a path that ends with restoring the Palestinian people’s rights.
On October 17, 2023, you issued a statement via your Facebook page with five demands for the Egyptian government: asserting full sovereignty over the Rafah crossing and keeping it open permanently for aid, decisively confronting Israeli attacks on it, supporting the Palestinian resistance and people with all necessary means, categorically rejecting the displacement of Palestinians from Gaza, allowing Egyptians to express their solidarity, and finally, expelling the Israeli ambassador and recalling the Egyptian ambassador from Tel Aviv, and calling for an immediate emergency Arab League summit.
You talked about Egypt imposing full sovereignty over the Rafah border crossing. However, Zawia3 published an investigation revealing ongoing coordination at the crossing in exchange for exorbitant fees, followed by reports uncovering more violations. What is your comment on this issue?
The reports you published and other major newspapers have documented testimonies from both Egyptian and Palestinian sides regarding the Rafah crossing, pointing to serious allegations. These are legal, political, and ethical crimes that cannot be addressed with mere statements. An urgent, serious, and comprehensive investigation is necessary. Trading in the blood of the Palestinian people is intolerable, and it is linked to the blood previously shed by the Egyptian people against the same enemy in prolonged battles.
In the past, we used to hear the term “war profiteers,” which metaphorically means trading in blood. We demand an investigation to punish the guilty and clear the state’s and Egyptian people’s conscience from these disgraceful accusations.
How can the Egyptian people help the Gazans end the war?
The greatest help the Egyptian people can offer our Palestinian brothers is restoring Egypt’s role and status, which requires a radical change or reform in the current government.
This doesn’t negate the necessity of all possible means to convey the Egyptian people’s voice to their brothers under fire, to support them and say, “You are not alone.” It would be a historical disgrace if our stance remained insignificant amid this major conflict with the common enemy of the Palestinian and Arab peoples.
Altantawy expresses his joy over the global uprisings following the ongoing Gaza war, stating that humanity’s conscience has finally awakened, and the greatest impact came from official moves by countries, especially in Africa and Latin America. Although these moves may not quickly affect the current situation, they relieve the peoples of their shame.
What is your comment on the protests supporting Gaza at universities in the United States?
They remind me of the student revolution in the 1960s, representing a revival of spirit toward the just cause of the Palestinian people. However, they carry a deeper meaning, as students protest the way their authorities handle files based on political and electoral interests rather than legal rights or humanitarian standards. We can only salute such movements.
Some believe your performance regarding the Gaza issue is below expectations. What is your response?
I don’t absolve myself of feelings of inadequacy. I announced an early political stance and a solution vision, committed to a symbolic boycott, and participated in most partisan, syndicate, or public events. For example, I joined the journalists’ union’s candlelight vigil and the Tuesday Ramadan breakfast initiative with bread and water. However, I am not in a position of power, and this is all I can do.
For Palestinians from Gaza in Egypt, I have dealt with them since their arrival, listening to many complaints about mistreatment in hospitals and elsewhere, and met with Egyptians whose relatives are trapped in Gaza. You covered their case in a report.
Security Harassment and Ongoing Threats
According to Altantawy, he and members of his electoral campaign and the under-formation Hope Coalition Party face continuous security harassment even six months after he was prevented from running in the presidential election due to inability to gather the necessary endorsements from citizens.
What about security harassment? Is it still ongoing?
Yes, continuously.
I have recordings and videos showing more than 26 security personnel shadowing me persistently. For a year, I have been under strict surveillance, and my personal mobile phone has been hacked since September 2021, costing the Egyptian government millions of dollars.
Some claimed to have paid for checking my phone abroad, which is not true. Rumors also suggest I have foreign citizenship, which is false. This reflects the poor state of media mimicking the government.
What happened with the popular endorsements?
First, I must clarify that the campaign members committed no crime other than exercising their right to endorse me as a presidential candidate. Those who settle scores with citizens for practicing their constitutional rights should target me, not imprison them.
Currently, 190 campaign members are detained (apart from hundreds summoned and held for weeks), only 21 are related to the popular endorsements case, and the rest are in preventive detention.
A session has been scheduled to review our appeal on May 27.
Some blame you for the fate of these young men and women. What is your response?
Those who say that popular endorsements are a crime are contradicted by legal opinion and government practices. We stopped the paper endorsements hours after the announcement and switched to electronic forms to gauge supporters as they were banned from notarizing endorsements. Despite the ban, we gathered 117,000 electronic endorsements on the first night.
I take responsibility for this action, and the detained members must return to their families immediately. The government must stop persecuting citizens who exercised their constitutional and legal rights.
Some figures accuse us of causing the supporters’ imprisonment, but I ask: if we are responsible, why not speak about the government that imprisoned them? What are you doing to free them? Have you contacted any detainees’ families and offered legal help? I asked everyone to support me; what have they done? I now call on those who accuse me of inadequacy to step up and take necessary actions, especially if they hold responsible positions and have the tools to contribute to the detainees’ release. Otherwise, they bear the blame and ethical issue.
What about the latest developments in founding the Hope Coalition Party?
After announcing the formation and initiation of the Hope Coalition Party, a circular was issued to notary employees, known as the “Ahmed Altantawy circular,” designating two offices per governorate for party foundation endorsements, contrary to the general trend of opening offices and facilitating processes.
We were prevented from obtaining party foundation endorsements like we were from presidential endorsements by government practices outside the law. The bans and restrictions included threats to willing participants and arrests. So, we switched to an electronic form to gauge supporters, and in a few days, we exceeded the required number distributed across governorates (five thousand forms).
If the party is founded and the government respects citizens’ wishes, it will be the largest party in Egypt in terms of membership and trained cadres. We prepare and train members through political training programs.
Ultimately, we will operate under formation, and the government’s misfortune is that some parties have been under formation for ten years and remain active in Egypt’s political scene.
Is asking for electronic forms not risky for your supporters?
Can anyone claiming this confirm it’s illegal or guarantee citizens’ safety at home? Those criticizing, what are they doing to relieve citizens from the government’s ten-year practice of arresting and imprisoning both political and non-political individuals? Should citizens give up and accept their fate?
From the start of my election announcement, close associates faced widespread arrests. On the campaign’s first day, many were arrested. Despite this, they persevered, swearing to continue. So, I feel pity for those who blame us instead of the repressive government. We have a clear, announced program we presented based on our vision, but what have you presented?
Regarding the party, would you step down as its leader if there were a ruling against you?
First, I must clarify that I am not the party leader but the Deputy Founder. When the party is fully established (when this government changes or respects the law), elections will be held according to party rules. I may or may not run for leadership. If a final ruling imprisons me while leading the party, it won’t prevent me from fulfilling party duties, only from running for parliament or presidency.
I would be honored to be a member of a party led by any of the founding members. I never claimed I would lead the party. What matters now is maintaining the high-caliber colleagues formed during and after the election campaign.
Why is there no official headquarters for the party yet?
All past attempts to rent a headquarters failed. Those who cooperated and agreed to contract with us were threatened and withdrew. I call on any Egyptian who wants to join this political struggle under the constitution and law and has a location to rent to join us.
Opposition Against the Government or Altantawy?
Recently, internal disputes resurfaced within some opposition parties, including the Civil Movement itself, which includes parties of different ideologies representing Egyptian opposition. These disputes overshadow the scene, and citizens wonder: Who does the opposition work for? Themselves or the government? They exclude the possibility of working for the citizens.
You face much criticism from the opposition. What is their stance towards you now, and how did they support you in the endorsements case?
First, it’s important to note my problem is with the government, not the opposition. From the start, I differentiate between protest movements and political opposition. Criticism and protest are rights of every citizen.
Critics must offer solutions to the public. My experience shows pivotal moments indicate the only solution is the government’s exit and the emergence of a safe alternative through elections.
The opposition and the Civil Movement should provide those solutions and alternatives, not just issue solidarity statements, while many sincere people are imprisoned for their beliefs. What does the opposition offer in return?
They talk about the National Dialogue sessions’ role in releasing detainees, but don’t they see that fewer than a third of new detainees were released? Yet they persist in negotiating.
I believe those detained for the dream of change are heroes. Those wanting to grant them their rights must work to ensure such arrests don’t happen again and hold the government accountable for abusing citizens, seeing no serious opposition.
How do you evaluate the opposition’s performance in Egypt now?
As mentioned, a strong alternative that the government values and fears is needed. I proposed forming an organizational structure and a general secretariat for the Civil Movement with roles and responsibilities, not as things currently operate with decisions needing unanimous consent. Clearly, Egypt now fundamentally needs an alternative to both the current government and the current opposition.
I highlight the opposition’s misery; some parties only supported me after knowing I was barred from running. I was the only one who attended the Civil Movement meeting, insisting on agreeing on a single opposition candidate.
The opposition speaks in pre-prepared statements. I accept criticism from participants who chose to pay the price of their work, but not from those who ignored our struggle and said: “This is a big fight; let’s work in small, safe spaces.”
We designed a program and a project for change, presented it to all. Criticism without offering an alternative is unacceptable. My experience with the opposition in offering an alternative to the government at various critical moments over eight years is unimpressive, with respect to some individuals and parties. Nevertheless, we extend our hand for cooperation. In the end, I overlook marginal and targeted talk until there is a genuine opposition representing the people.
There are talks about the government’s role in redrawing the political map by allowing new opposition formations, coordinated with it. What is your comment?
Each name answers for itself and is accountable to its audience. The government now can, with the stick, granting and denying privileges, sway or neutralize entities and individuals, leaving all opposition weak.
When we went directly to the public, we proved their genuine desire for change. The government’s response was to block us. In my opinion, the Egyptian citizen is caught between government tyranny and opposition misery. Today, the government is more tyrannical, and the opposition is more miserable. From the beginning, I consulted with the opposition to form a front as an alternative to the government, not as a follower or partner. We held discussions in recent months, but they were not serious enough to implement. As for the obstacles, they aren’t due to me; ask them.
You presented yourself initially as an ordinary citizen with popular support. Do you still have contact with the citizens?
I owe my loyalty and allegiance to the ordinary citizen. However, looking at the essence of my project titled: “The Civil Democratic Alternative,” which relies on change through constitutional and legal frameworks and elections, we need effective organizational tools.
I have previous party experience starting as a founding member in 2005 and leaving as party leader in 2021 (referring to the Karama Party). My primary goal was to infuse new blood into the political life equipped with knowledge and determination. Today, while founding the new party, I move with the same loyalty to citizens and the project.
In my electoral campaign, we had tens of thousands of brave fighters for the dream of democratic change, who became more committed to their dream, defending the rights of their imprisoned colleagues. Thus, the idea of founding a party as a movement emerged, based on objective rather than ideological principles. We have a team formed after the election battle, committed to the dream, representing all segments of the population in various governorates (explaining he has popular support and maintains regular contact with citizens in all governorates despite the ban and surveillance).
Do you see a second chance for another electoral battle?
Of course, if elections with minimum integrity were announced tomorrow, and I ran against the current president, I would definitely win by a significant margin, showing that citizens do not want this government or this opposition working only in safe spaces. Thus, our suffering is that we represent the third way between surrendering to this harsh reality or adapting to it and working within permitted areas.
Are there internal score-settling within the opposition against the youth who joined your electoral campaign?
What we denounce in the government cannot be accepted from the opposition. If we demand the government respects the constitution, law, and majority will, and upholds the principle of power transition, the opposition must demonstrate the same.
If there are no democratic parties practicing internal democracy, what will they do when in power?
I am not involved in all internal party conflicts, as testified by those who consulted me from any party and whom I advised to differentiate between their opposition to the management of temporary entities and undermining those entities.
Economic policies are also tied to political visions. What is your comment on the current government’s performance regarding the economic file?
One of our few successes in parliament was stopping the government’s plan to involve the private sector in managing and operating public hospitals. However, every delayed decision has now been imposed by the government. With no defenders, the government sees no citizens, especially as the opposition failed to deter it.
There is a general state trend to shirk its social duties towards citizens in all sectors, replacing it with presenting itself as an investment entity. But the state has obligations to help citizens provide food, medicine, education, and more.
I remember my first battle in the first parliamentary session of 2015 was to stop a project preventing citizens from challenging state contracts, which was passed and had far-reaching goals now achieved. For example, has any citizen seen the Ras El-Hikma deal or other contracts, or has parliament exercised real oversight over them? Why does the government grant itself the right to act without respecting the constitution and law? Is it in the state’s interest to strengthen its institutions and deepen the individual and paternalistic regime?
In conclusion, some accuse you of arrogance. Do you criticize yourself and your experience?
As long as I did not win the last presidential election, I believe I have made mistakes and must learn from them, or I would neglect the rights of all who supported and believed in the project, especially the young men and women now paying the price in prisons.
I announced when I proposed running for election that I am engaging in a political struggle with high costs and multiple stages; but undoubtedly, we emerged from the election experience with important results, most notably, the ability to re-engage citizens in the crucial battle for their future and state (the presidential elections) through the Hope Campaign fought by many at home and abroad.
Again, I say that the people need a real opposition to confront and deter the government. This is the optimal solution.
- Based on a lawyer who spoke to Zawia3 during the preparation of this interview, security forces arrested Haitham Dabour, a member of Altantawy’s election campaign, from his home in Alexandria at 1 AM today.
- This interview was conducted in two parts: the first recorded on video and continued in another part via phone on a different day.
