Shaimaa Abdel Rahman was shocked by a sharp increase in tuition fees at official language schools and so-called “distinguished” public schools. Added to that was a decision by the Ministry of Education forcing parents to buy textbooks directly from schools at prices more than double their usual cost. When she went to the post office to pay the tuition for her son, who is entering third grade at a distinguished public school, and her daughter, entering second grade at an experimental school, she was told their records had not been uploaded to the digital system. The postal staff instructed her to check with school administrations. Yet both schools said they had not received any official information regarding tuition or textbooks.
The recent fee hikes have placed an even heavier burden on a wide segment of families already unable to afford private or international schools amid the ongoing economic crisis. Meanwhile, the ministerial decision to mandate the purchase of schoolbooks—despite their unavailability—has sparked anxiety and confusion among parents as the first term approaches.
Shaimaa told Zawia3 she is now required to pay approximately 4,200 Egyptian pounds ($84) for her son, including 1,030 pounds ($20.60) for textbooks. Last year, the total fees were about 2,700 pounds ($54), plus 300 pounds ($6) in postal service fees. At the time, books cost between 400 and 500 pounds ($8–$10). For her younger daughter, tuition rose from 800 pounds ($16) last year (excluding books) to 2,125 pounds ($42.50) this year, with 1,020 pounds ($20.40) just for textbooks.
Hoda Mohamed faced a similar shock. She is the mother of a student in the first year of preparatory school at one of the official language schools. She found that textbooks alone cost 1,500 pounds ($30)—a steep increase from the 400 pounds ($8) she paid at external bookstores last year. She told Zawia3: “We enrolled our children in these schools under a clear system, and we planned our finances accordingly. We used to expect modest annual increases. But now we’re facing retroactive decisions. We’re working-class families, relying on monthly savings groups just to pay tuition.”
Hoda is calling for these increases to be applied only to new students and for official language school students to receive the same free standardized textbooks provided in regular government schools. She stressed that these schools were established by the ministry to offer language education within the national curriculum framework and should not become an economic burden on families.
Amr Ali, a father of three children enrolled in official language schools, considers the recent decisions unjust and poorly thought out. He told Zawia3: “Experimental schools are no longer a viable option for low- and middle-income families. They’ve become a burden beyond our means. These schools are supposed to provide better education than standard government schools, but they suffer from deteriorating services, poor hygiene, inadequate seating, and underqualified language teachers—not to mention teacher shortages.” He added: “Tuition fees rose from about 750 pounds ($15) to nearly 3,000 pounds ($60). We’re being forced to buy textbooks from the schools at three times the market price. The ministry treats us like a source of revenue.”
Amr emphasized that families are under growing psychological and economic stress and urged the ministry to reconsider its policies to preserve the stability of the educational process.
Mustafa Zaki, father of two elementary students at an experimental school, complained about the steep increases in fees and book prices, prompting him to file an official complaint via the Prime Minister’s website. “Last year, school fees were 900 pounds ($18) and books cost 200 pounds ($4). This year, it’s 2,225 pounds ($44.50) per child. That means I have to pay 4,450 pounds ($89) instead of 1,800 ($36).”
He added: “We collected objections from parents and submitted a joint complaint demanding the cancellation of this mandatory purchase of overpriced books. Our children are in public schools, and they have the right to receive textbooks for free. The minister is ignoring the economic situation and continues to pressure families.”
The complaint, a copy of which was reviewed by Zawia3, included signatures from around 50 parents and was addressed to President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi, Prime Minister Mostafa Madbouly, and Attorney General Mohamed Shawky. It objected to the ministry’s decision to impose high textbook prices, noting that laws and regulations guarantee students access to free textbooks.
The complaint stressed that the decision doubles the burden on families during an economic crisis and violates the principle of equal opportunity. It called for urgent intervention to reverse the policy and guarantee students’ rights without placing additional financial strain on their families.
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Opaque Implementation Mechanisms
The current crisis stems from a ministerial decision issued by Minister of Education and Technical Education, Mohamed Abdel Latif, amending Decree No. 285 of 2025. The amendment requires that tuition fees be paid through the postal system and stipulates that textbook fees and “Advanced Level” ((High Level)) fees be paid in four installments via Egypt Post, Fawry, and e-Finance. It also abolishes the option of purchasing books from outside the school system.
Maha Omar, founder of the National Union of Parents of Official Language Schools, told Zawia3 that official circulars have indeed been distributed to educational directorates and schools. However, the mechanisms for implementation remain unclear, especially as books have not yet arrived in distinguished schools, despite the academic year looming. She noted that many parents, some with three or four children enrolled in language schools, are unable to pay the rising fees. Meanwhile, transferring their children to regular Arabic-language public schools is no longer possible, as the transfer window closed in mid-August. This effectively forces families to stay in the system, despite the significantly increased costs.
She told Zawia3: “It is unacceptable to impose new decisions retroactively on already enrolled students. The principle of contract law dictates that any new increases should apply only to newly admitted kindergarten students. Forcing parents to buy the Advanced Level book—previously optional—is an added burden. We call on the ministry to restore the freedom of choice in this matter.”
Maha pointed out that the textbook prices set by the ministry are higher than those in the open market, contradicting the constitutional principle of free education. She explained that the only real difference between official language schools and Arabic-language government schools is that math and science are taught in English—hardly a justification for such a wide gap in tuition fees.
She argued that these decisions threaten the future of experimental education in Egypt and may force students to drop down into Arabic-language schools due to financial pressure. She emphasized that the parents’ union is working to unify families’ voices and present the crisis to relevant authorities, in hopes that their demands will be met—just as they were in the past when the mandatory Advanced Level book was repealed.
In an official statement, the Union of Parents of Official Language Schools rejected Minister Abdel Latif’s recent remarks about textbooks, insisting that claims of removing the Advanced Level book were inaccurate. Parents, the statement said, are being charged for it twice—once under the textbook fee category and again as an extra charge in accordance with Decree No. 156 of 2025 regarding postal service fees.
The union reaffirmed that these schools are public institutions no different from Arabic-language public schools, except for teaching science and math in English. The Advanced Level book had been optional until recently. The union demanded adherence to the original agreement made with parents when students enrolled: Arabic and religion textbooks should be distributed the same way and at the same cost as in Arabic-language schools, while math and science books should be priced at their translation cost only.
Regarding the Advanced Level book, the union called for making it optional again or lowering its price to make it affordable for all, criticizing the ministry’s decision to sell it at a premium above open-market rates. The union also demanded fee exemptions for orphans and students with disabilities, in line with the state’s responsibility to support vulnerable groups. It urged the ministry to consider the situation of low-income employees with more than three children in these schools, for whom tuition now constitutes a serious financial burden.
In response, the Ministry of Education issued a detailed statement on tuition fees for official language schools, explaining that fees are collected through multiple channels under the category “Official Language School Services.” Fees range from 1,875 pounds ($37.50) for kindergarten to 2,950 pounds ($59) for third preparatory grade, with the option of paying in four installments. Book prices vary by educational level, starting at 820 pounds ($16.40) for first-year kindergarten and rising to 1,755 pounds ($35.10) for third preparatory grade.
For distinguished language schools, the ministry’s figures showed that kindergarten fees (KG1 and KG2) reached 3,477.41 pounds ($69.55), including 2,052.41 pounds ($41.05) for language services, 200 pounds ($4) for general activities and tech development, 395 pounds ($7.90) per Decree 156/2025, and 830 pounds ($16.60) for books. For grades one through three, the amount rose to 4,190.51 pounds ($83.81), and up to 4,490.51 pounds ($89.81) for grades four through six, after the book fee was increased to 1,330 pounds ($26.60). At the preparatory level, fees ranged between 4,973.61 and 5,173.61 pounds ($99.47–$103.47), with textbook costs between 1,400 and 1,500 pounds ($28–$30).
Fatma Fathy, founder of the “Education Without Borders” coalition, emphasized that school textbooks belong inside schools and should not be treated like external books bought from private bookstores—as is now the case. She noted that the current crisis dates back to former Minister Tarek Shawki’s tenure, when he partnered with Longman and introduced the “integrated package” system, requiring experimental schools to purchase translated books similar to those used in Arabic-language public schools. Although Decree 285 did not officially include this amendment, the current minister continued applying it last year. Fathy described this as a departure from the essence of experimental education, which is supposed to be part of the public system.
She also recalled that in 2016, the Ministry of Education canceled the mandatory purchase of the Advanced Level book. However, the current system has reimposed it as part of a package, effectively doubling the financial burden on families. Fathy criticized the ministry for overpricing its books, noting that it only priced math, science, and Advanced Level books—yet all books are now being sold for more than 1,000 pounds ($20) per grade.
She told Zawia3: “As a mother of three students in experimental schools, I’m being asked this year to pay around 4,500 pounds ($90) just for books—a figure that far exceeds the quality of education provided. It’s unacceptable for parents to be forced to pay this amount for Egyptian-printed books produced in government presses, when previously these could be obtained optionally, exchanged among students, or reused from past years.”
Fathy also criticized what she described as a “coercive threat” against parents who refuse to pay for books, warning them their children could be transferred to Arabic-language public schools—despite the fact that books, like the government-issued tablets, should be provided for free. She argued that the ministry’s latest statement offered no real solution and merely reiterated that books will only be handed out after installment payments are made—even though experimental school students used to receive their books without such complications.
In contrast, the Ministry of Education and Technical Education issued an official response to the uproar among parents on social media regarding price discrepancies between public language schools, distinguished public schools, and private schools. The ministry clarified that book prices in public and distinguished schools include both terms of the Advanced Level books in both languages, which are not included in private school book prices.
The statement affirmed that Minister Mohamed Abdel Latif decided not to link textbook distribution to full tuition payment, allowing installment plans to cover both tuition and book fees in four parts, in an effort to ease the financial burden on families. However, it made no mention of whether the ministry would reconsider the book pricing itself or the methods of distribution.
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Parental Anxiety Mounts Over IGCSE Students Amid New Mandates
As the crisis over tuition fees in Egypt’s public language and distinguished schools intensifies, parents of students in international schools now face a parallel wave of anxiety and confusion. The concern stems from a ministerial decree that added Arabic language and history as mandatory core subjects, weighted at 20% of the total grade used for university admissions.
Under the existing IGCSE framework, students are required to complete eight O-Level subjects and one A-Level subject, which is sufficient for admission to Egyptian universities in fields like medicine and engineering. However, under the new decree, students must now study ten O-Level subjects, effectively increasing their academic load. As Amina Ismail, a mother of a student in an international school in Egypt, explained to Zawia3, this change is disruptive.
She said: “The problem is that this decision was suddenly applied to tenth-grade students without any prior notice or preparation. The approved Arabic curriculum is the same as that of the national education system—it includes literature, rhetoric, and classical texts. But international students haven’t been prepared for this material the way students in government schools have. As for history, it’s an added burden for students focused on science tracks.”
Amina noted that IGCSE students living abroad have filed legal challenges seeking exemption from the ruling, as they follow curricula based on their countries of residence. However, she warned that if these students succeed in securing exemption, it will undermine the principle of equal opportunity, since they’ll be competing with local students for the same university seats, while taking fewer subjects.
She criticized what she described as a lack of study and planning behind the decision, noting that the exam format and implementation mechanisms remain unclear—adding to the academic and financial burden already faced by families in the IGCSE system.
Ingy Maher, mother of an eighth-grade student in an international school, told Zawia3 that including Arabic and history as 20% of the total grade is unfair. She pointed out that IGCSE students have studied Arabic and religious education since kindergarten, and social studies from fourth grade—but with very limited instructional hours, leaving them less proficient than their counterparts in the national system.
“These subjects were always pass-or-fail,” she said. “We already invest a lot of effort to help our children pass them. But counting them as 20% of the total grade is a gross injustice. The students are simply not adequately prepared. While International Baccalaureate students are only required to take five core subjects, IGCSE students are now being forced to take ten. That’s a clear violation of the principle of equality.”
Ingy warned that the decision also compromises fairness between domestic and overseas students. With only 5% of spots in public universities allocated to international certificate holders, the issue is highly sensitive. She added that some students who transferred from the national system to the IGCSE in tenth grade actually have stronger language skills, giving them an unfair advantage. “The solution,” she concluded, “is not sudden decrees, but gradual reform—starting with early grades, by increasing Arabic language instruction for new students, and holding schools accountable for teaching quality.”
In this context, Egypt’s official gazette published Ministerial Decree No. 148 of 2024, issued by Minister of Education Mohamed Abdel Latif. The decree mandates that all international schools or schools offering foreign curricula within Egypt teach Arabic starting from kindergarten. It also requires the inclusion of religious education and Arabic until third grade, and the teaching of Arabic, social studies, and religious education from fourth to ninth grade—based on national school curricula.
The decree further stipulates that Arabic and social studies will together constitute 20% of the total student grade up to ninth grade—10% for each subject. For high school students (grades 10–12), Arabic and history will become mandatory subjects, contributing 20% of the total score used for the international certificate equivalency with Egypt’s national secondary diploma, through centralized exams administered by the Ministry of Education.
As for the American Diploma, university admission grades will be distributed as follows: 40% from the cumulative GPA, 40% from final-year exams, and 20% from the Arabic and history exams. The decree mandates that all Egyptian students, whether inside or outside Egypt, who hold international certificates, must take these two exams.
The decision applies to kindergarten through ninth grade starting in the 2024/2025 academic year, and to tenth grade and above beginning in 2025/2026.
Faten Ahmed, director of the “Educational Social Dialogue” and “Together for Better Education” groups, told Zawia3 that applying the decision abruptly to international certificate students—especially in the IGCSE and American Diploma systems—has created deep confusion among students and parents alike.
She said: “For many families, international education is a way to escape the rigid, theory-heavy structure of the national system. Students focus on passing international certificate exams, and Arabic and history are usually allocated just two periods per week—far from enough for solid academic grounding.”
She added: “Students have always seen these subjects as pass/fail. Sometimes, the curriculum is reduced to just a few pages, and some students even receive the exam papers early. So adding them to the overall grade so suddenly is a massive disruption, especially for students with no foundational preparation. It completely throws off their academic planning.”
Faten acknowledged that the goal of reinforcing national identity is valid. However, she argued, the decision should have been introduced gradually, starting with lower grades—not imposed on high school students who specifically chose this system to avoid these subjects. She warned that the lack of clear implementation mechanisms and new curriculum standards could open the door for private tutoring centers to exploit the situation—at a time when families are already under intense financial pressure due to international school costs.
In May 2025, the Supreme Administrative Court issued a ruling upholding the Ministry of Education’s decision to include Arabic, history, and religious education in international and foreign schools. The court emphasized that these are compulsory educational subjects, part of Egypt’s “national identity” under the Constitution, and not merely secondary subjects. The ruling came in response to a challenge filed by the education minister against a group of parents opposing the policy.
On the other hand, the first court hearing challenging the same ministerial decree was held last week. The case contests the requirement for Egyptian students—inside or outside Egypt—who hold international certificates, to take government exams in Arabic and history, which would count for 20% of their total grade.
The case was filed by Nihad Aboul Qumsan, a senior lawyer at the Court of Cassation, who argued that the decree contains several legal violations. Chief among them: the Ministry of Education is encroaching on the jurisdiction of the Supreme Council of Universities, which is solely responsible for university admission criteria. She also highlighted the impossibility of implementing the decree for Egyptian students abroad who follow different curricula, and the absence of formal cooperation protocols with foreign education ministries.
The lawsuit further cited violations of the principles of equality and the right to education, guaranteed by the Constitution and international treaties. It also pointed to the lack of clear implementation mechanisms—such as forming a central committee to supervise overseas exams—raising serious doubts about the ministry’s ability to organize standardized testing in over 200 countries.
The appeal calls for suspension and cancellation of the decree—at least for Egyptian students abroad—to avoid depriving them of a fair chance to enroll in Egyptian universities. The court referred the case to the Commissioners Authority, and a hearing has been scheduled for October 12.
In a statement on her official Facebook page, Nihad Aboul Qumsan described the decision as “an outright obstruction, in direct violation of the Constitution and basic principles of justice.” She noted that thousands of Egyptian students abroad have been denied their right to education because they are being forced to sit for exams in subjects they never studied. She also criticized the lack of parliamentary oversight in reviewing such critical policies before they are issued, arguing that this void has left families and students with no option but to turn to the State Council as the legal body responsible for safeguarding rights and ensuring legitimacy.
The State’s Retreat from Free Education
Dr. Kamal Mogheeth, a researcher at the National Center for Educational Research and the Chairman of the Board of Trustees of the Egyptian Center for the Right to Education, believes that the recent decisions to increase tuition fees in experimental schools and oblige parents to purchase textbooks from schools at inflated prices clearly express the state’s gradual retreat from the principle of free education.
In his remarks to Zawia3, he points out that the Egyptian political system has repeatedly expressed its inability to bear the burdens of social justice, citing previous decisions such as the removal of subsidies on fuel, electricity, and basic commodities—an approach now being applied to education.
He adds: “The Constitution, in Article 19, stipulates that 4% of the gross domestic product be allocated to pre-university education, but the actual percentage does not exceed 2%. This imbalance is reflected in the lack of school construction, the increasing burden on teachers—who have become among the lowest paid globally—and a deficit estimated at 600,000 teachers. In contrast, the ministry resorts to temporary solutions such as rehiring retirees, hourly contracts, and volunteer work, instead of stable employment.”
Mogheeth considers that the imposition of increasing fees for exams and activities in experimental schools, along with subsequent decisions, represents accelerated steps toward the state’s withdrawal from funding education for the poorer segments of society. He recalls previous official statements made by the President of the Republic, which clearly stated that the state “will not educate everyone,” but rather focuses only on a specific segment, while the rest of the families are left to their own fate.
Regarding international schools, Mogheeth explains that there are three categories of education: first, government and experimental schools, which are fully subject to the Ministry of Education; second, private and international schools that are managed in partial partnership with the ministry and are subject to academic and financial supervision; and third, fully independent international schools, such as consular schools, which are extensions of foreign institutions and are not administratively subject to the state.
He believes that the ministry has the right to oblige private and international schools that enroll Egyptian students to teach subjects related to national identity, such as Arabic, history, geography, and religious education, but it cannot impose these subjects on fully independent international schools, as they fall outside the scope of the ministry’s supervision in the first place.
Concerning the controversy over the decision to count Arabic and history as 20% of the total grade for students with international certificates (such as the IGCSE), Mogheeth considers this a reflection of confusion—particularly in light of the lawsuits filed by Egyptian students living abroad, who study local curricula that do not include these subjects, raising questions about the fairness of competing with their peers inside Egypt.
Mogheeth concludes by affirming that the general direction of the state indicates a gradual disengagement from its constitutional obligations in the field of education, and a search for new financial resources through fees and decisions that burden families—instead of increasing educational allocations or improving teachers’ salaries.
Amid this worsening situation, parents find themselves caught between the hammer of financial burdens and the anvil of sudden ministerial decisions, while students remain the weakest link, threatened with losing their right to fair and stable education. In the absence of realistic solutions that take family circumstances into account, and lacking effective mechanisms to ensure equal opportunity, calls are mounting for a review of current educational policies and the opening of a serious dialogue with parent representatives—before the crisis escalates to a level that may threaten the stability of the educational system and the future of an entire generation.
