Coinciding with the observance of International Women’s Day on March 8 and Egyptian Women’s Day on March 16, the issue of female political detainees and prisoners of conscience in Egypt emerges as one of the most pressing women’s rights concerns. Reports in recent months have highlighted ongoing violations against them inside prisons, the neglect of human rights demands for their release, and the suspension of the Presidential Pardon Committee, which once offered a glimmer of hope for detainees and their families. Uncertainty surrounds whether its work will resume.

In the absence of accurate official statistics, various estimates suggest that hundreds, possibly thousands, of women remain imprisoned for political reasons. Despite this, the issue of female political prisoners has failed to gain significant social or political momentum, whether from general human rights movements or feminist circles, further complicating their situation in detention facilities. Although precise figures remain unavailable, multiple reports estimate that tens of thousands of political prisoners are held in Egypt, though the exact proportion of women among them is unclear. However, with prison expansions in 2022, reports surfaced of 500 female political prisoners being transferred from Qanater Prison to the Wadi El-Natrun Prison Complex, a move whose details were never officially disclosed, adding further ambiguity to the situation.

Egypt has eight prisons designated for women, the most prominent of which are Qanater El-Khairiya, Borg El-Arab, and Damanhour. Official statistics reveal that approximately 30,000 women are classified as “indebted prisoners”—those imprisoned due to their inability to repay financial debts. This category accounts for about 25% of the total prison population in Egypt. These figures underscore the severity of the economic and social crises facing Egyptian women, extending beyond political dimensions to include purely economic and livelihood-related struggles.

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Discrimination in Political Pardon Mechanisms

The Presidential Pardon Committee saw significant activity in 2022 after a period of suspension. This revival came following President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi’s decision in May 2022 to reactivate the committee, facilitating the release of some detainees, including political prisoners and indebted women, in preparation for the National Dialogue with the opposition. However, the committee has since halted its activities again, prompting human rights groups to demand its reactivation to secure the release of more detainees.

The committee follows specific criteria when selecting prisoners for release, including the absence of ties to terrorist groups, non-involvement in violent crimes, and no convictions for incitement or terrorism-related charges. It reviews detainee files and submits recommendations to the President of the Republic, who holds the final authority to approve or reject the pardon requests.

Over the past months, the committee issued several pardon lists, including the release of prominent activists such as human rights lawyer Mohamed El-Baqer and researcher Patrick George, in addition to several detainees held in pretrial detention. However, data from the Justice Committee shows that around 915 individuals were released in 2020, but only 23 were women, representing just 2.5% of the total pardons granted during that period. The numbers highlight the disproportionately low rate of women’s releases compared to male detainees.

The current mechanism of the pardon process, along with political mediation efforts, appears to prioritize prisoners who are not affiliated with Islamist groups. This trend has also affected female detainees, as only a very limited number of women have been released, while many others continue to endure harsh prison conditions with little political or public mobilization for their freedom.

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A Selective Approach to Women’s Prison Cases

Yasser Saad, a lawyer specializing in social and economic rights, described the situation of women in Egyptian prisons as among the most challenging human rights issues. Speaking to Zawia3, he noted that female detainees include those imprisoned for their political activism, others arrested for expressing solidarity with political or human rights causes, and women facing charges related to freedom of expression—many of whom were prosecuted over social media posts and videos, particularly on TikTok. Some detainees, he added, were arrested for advocating better working conditions in government institutions or media organizations.

Despite the varying reasons for their detention, Saad explained that prison conditions remain harsh for all categories of women detainees, with the exception of TikTok influencers, who often receive the harshest sentences under vague charges related to violating family values or inciting immorality. He noted that these loosely defined accusations allow authorities to selectively prosecute women and girls who gain public visibility on social media. In some cases, even their choice of clothing, tone of speech, or sources of income from online platforms have been used against them in court.

On the political level, Saad pointed to the case of activist Marwa Arafa, who spent an extended period in pretrial detention in violation of legal limits. He also highlighted the case of lawyer Hoda Abdel Moneim, who continues to face arbitrary detention with no clear legal justification and has been cycled through multiple cases to prolong her imprisonment. Meanwhile, in cases related to TikTok prosecutions, figures such as Mawada El-Adham and Haneen Hossam remain among the most high-profile detainees charged over their online content.

The situation extends beyond political and social activism, as several women were also arrested during labor protests alongside their male colleagues while demanding better working conditions.

Despite continuous calls from civil society groups, political parties, unions, and human rights organizations, the push for female detainees’ release has received relatively little attention, especially given the scale of their imprisonment and the severity of their conditions. Reports have surfaced about some detainees facing abuse, harassment, or exploitation under the pretext of security inspections, while others have endured physical assaults from prison staff or mistreatment from fellow inmates.

Saad believes that greater visibility and advocacy for female prisoners—particularly through women’s rights activists and civil society organizations—could contribute to progress, despite the authorities’ resistance to these demands. However, he noted that the greatest challenge lies with women who have received final court sentences, as their release requires a presidential pardon, making their freedom more difficult to secure compared to women in pretrial detention, whose release can be ordered directly by prosecutors.

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Prominent Names Behind Bars

In recent years, several female detainees have drawn media attention, among them Marwa Arafa, a translator who spent nearly four years in pretrial detention before her trial began in January. The prolonged imprisonment of Arafa has caused significant psychological distress to her six-year-old daughter, Wafaa, who, according to the Egyptian Network for Human Rights, has developed autism spectrum disorder due to the absence of her mother during her early years, requiring continuous therapy sessions.

Another widely discussed case is that of lawyer Hoda Abdel Moneim, 64, whose deteriorating health condition has led to intensified calls from human rights organizations demanding her release. A former member of the National Council for Human Rights, Abdel Moneim has been detained since late October 2018. She was sentenced to five years in prison in the case known as the “Egyptian Coordination for Rights and Freedoms” case, based on charges brought by the State Security Prosecution, including “joining a banned group” and other similar accusations.

During her detention, Abdel Moneim has endured harsh conditions, deprived of family visits or any form of communication with her relatives, and denied medical care despite her age and serious health issues, including kidney dysfunction and chronic heart conditions. Reports from Al-Mawqef Al-Masry indicate that she was denied a cardiac scan despite experiencing recurrent heart attacks, further exacerbating concerns about her health.

Since 2013, Egypt has witnessed waves of arrests targeting women, particularly in the aftermath of the 2013 and 2014 protests, including incidents within Al-Azhar University and Alexandria University. Many of those arrested were female activists linked to the Muslim Brotherhood, while others were civic activists who had participated in the 2011 revolution. Some were handed sentences of up to 14 years in prison, although these were later reduced in subsequent legal proceedings.

Many female detainees endure harsh imprisonment conditions, including visit bans, denial of medical treatment, restrictions on exercise time, and limitations on essential supplies. In protest, some have resorted to hunger strikes, such as Aisha Al-Shater, who suffered multiple heart attacks in detention, ultimately appearing in court in a wheelchair, according to human rights reports.

Legal Perspective on Political Detainees

Speaking to Zawia3, Hala Douma, a lawyer and legal researcher, emphasized that from a strict legal standpoint, the term “prisoner of conscience” does not exist in Egyptian law. It is a human rights term, not a legal one. She explained that detainees are legally classified as pretrial detainees in politically related cases, often under terrorism laws, or defendants in ordinary criminal cases under the Penal Code. Thus, when discussing detainees’ conditions, it is essential to distinguish between legal narratives and human rights narratives, as the prosecution and courts do not recognize terms like “political prisoner.”

Regarding prisoners’ rights, Douma stressed that legally, there should be no distinction between those detained on criminal charges and those imprisoned on political grounds, as both categories are entitled to the same rights under prison laws. Pretrial detainees are legally entitled to weekly visits, while convicted prisoners can receive monthly visits. The Prison Law applies equally to men and women, with some gender-specific considerations, such as providing sanitary products and maternal healthcare for pregnant or nursing detainees.

However, Douma highlighted several legal violations faced by political detainees, particularly in terrorism-related cases, including exceeding the maximum legal pretrial detention periods. Article 143 of the Code of Criminal Procedure stipulates that pretrial detention should not exceed six months for misdemeanors, a year and a half for felonies, and two years for capital offenses or life sentences. In practice, however, many detainees surpass these limits, remaining in custody for indefinite periods without final convictions, despite the law only allowing such extensions if the detainee has been convicted by the Court of Cassation or their case has been referred for retrial. Any further detention beyond these conditions is legally invalid, and renewing detention orders in such cases is unlawful.

Another significant issue is the lack of substantial evidence justifying pretrial detention. Article 134 of the Code of Criminal Procedure requires that detention must be based on solid evidence, yet in many cases, detention decisions are solely based on vague national security reports that lack concrete proof, constituting a clear legal violation. Some detainees eventually face trial, where outcomes vary—some receive fair trial guarantees, while others do not. Each case must be assessed individually, as generalizing legal standards does not always reflect the reality on the ground, Douma explained.

The Disparity in Women’s Pardons and Releases

In theory, female prisoners should enjoy full legal rights, including visitation, outdoor exercise, access to food, humane treatment, and communication with their families through letters or calls. However, the biggest issue remains the low number of women granted presidential pardons. Previously, pardon lists included a significant number of female detainees, but in recent years, the numbers have dwindled, with very few women being released, especially those who are not widely known activists.

Douma noted that she does not know the specific reasons behind this decline in female releases, though she observed that in the past, there were larger numbers of women on pardon lists. Recently, however, female pardons have become extremely rare.

She concluded that while the law technically grants equal rights to criminal and political detainees, the reality is different. There is a clear disparity in treatment between criminal and political prisoners, often dictated by the nature of the prison facility or the policies of prison authorities. For example, criminal detainees generally receive more visitation rights and better access to food, while political detainees—both men and women—face stricter conditions.

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