The Local Councils Coordination Committee, which includes representatives from the Civil Movement parties, has begun its training sessions, despite the absence of a law for local council elections. The first training session was held on July 21, after more than a year of inactivity. This training targeted several trainees, both from Civil Movement parties and independents, in preparation for the local elections, the date of which has yet to be set.

The Local Councils Coordination Committee is a committee that emerged from the Civil Movement, comprising party representatives working on local councils. The committee has been working on drafting local council laws and establishing general frameworks for the optimal electoral system, moving towards the stage of training and preparing local cadres capable of running in the upcoming elections. The Coordination Committee includes parties such as the Egyptian Social Democratic Party, the Reform and Development Party, the Conservative Party, the Dignity Party, the Justice Party, the Constitution Party, the Arab Nasserist Party, the Bread and Freedom Party, and the Egyptian Socialist Party.

Reasons for its Establishment

Wafaa Ashri, a member of the Coordination Committee representing the Bread and Freedom Party (under establishment), explains that the idea of the Local Councils Coordination Committee began following the call for the national dialogue by President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi during the Egyptian Family Iftar in Ramadan 2021, which the Civil Movement parties responded to.

She clarifies that the committee is one of the files worked on by the Civil Movement to present papers during the sessions of the national dialogue, which were divided according to their topics. The main goal of the committee was to present a draft law for local council elections.

Ashri adds, “We aimed to propose a draft that enhances the principles of transparency and accountability in managing local resources and public funds, ensuring their efficient and effective use for the benefit of local communities. Additionally, we sought to enhance participatory governance, allowing citizens to have a say in local decision-making processes, addressing poverty and social disparities within marginalized communities, and promoting sustainable development.”

Ashri notes that while drafting the proposed article concerning the electoral list—whether it should be closed absolute or proportional—there were differences among party representatives. The majority favored proposing the proportional list as a negotiation point with the state, which had adopted the closed absolute list in past parliamentary elections. This electoral system resulted in the exclusion of opposition parties that refused to ally with pro-government parties. Proposing the closed list in the draft law would have meant yielding to the state’s imposed rules without negotiation or effort, according to Ashri.

She further explains that the Local Councils Coordination Committee will continue its work even after the national dialogue concludes, adding, “For continuity, we have established an academy aimed at training young party members and independents. Training sessions began in July, with each party nominating up to five members for participation, along with independents. The committee will also continue reviewing and amending relevant local administration laws, such as allocating portions of taxes to local resources, land and building permit procedures, and traffic-related permits.”

Zawia3 had previously reported on the disagreements among Civil Movement party representatives within the committee regarding the closed versus proportional electoral list in the report “What We Know About the Disagreements Over the Local Election System in Egypt.” This contrasts with the statements made by the general coordinator of the national dialogue, Diaa Rashwan, who announced in August that there was consensus among the dialogue participants on the local election system. However, it seems there is a lack of consensus, as indicated by the absence of some party representatives from the committee’s latest meeting.

Preparing Political Cadres

Ahmed Khamis, a lawyer and leading member of the Constitution Party, and a member of the Coordination Committee responsible for the Local Councils Academy, explains that the academy emerged from the Local Councils Coordination Committee of the Civil Movement. He states that the academy’s goal is to train and educate participants on local governance and related areas, preparing cadres to run in upcoming elections, whether for local councils or parliament.

He explains that the training supports political awareness and personal development, and the training program has already begun. Additionally, a series of monthly and bi-monthly seminars targeting provinces and regions outside of Cairo is being prepared.

Khamis continues, stating that the academy will organize public seminars to reach as many targeted citizens as possible, whether they are inside or outside political parties.

Regarding potential security obstacles, Khamis says, “We will try to work as much as possible without security clashes, even if we have to hold events targeting citizens inside closed venues. We also invite public figures to these events.” He points out that financial costs have been one of the main challenges hindering the academy’s establishment. “We agreed within the committee that each party or entity would contribute EGP 500 ($10.42) per month to create a fund we can work with, and we are also trying to gather donations from interested parties. Additionally, we agreed to hold training sessions within the Civil Movement party offices to save on expenses.”

Khamis emphasizes that the cadres being prepared by the Local Councils Coordination Committee are not in competition with the youth cadres being prepared by the state, whether through the Coordination of Youth Parties and Politicians or other entities, due to differences in resources. However, it provides an alternative for those who wish to receive training, develop their skills, and engage in political work, especially since the civil movement has been excluded and denied access to all training camps organized by the state, which were directed to specific individuals.

Since 2021, the Coordination of Youth Parties and Politicians has been conducting local governance training. In the same year, the Coordination launched its salon to discuss the role of youth in local elections, and subsequently began offering a series of training sessions to prepare young people for seats in local administration elections.

Hindered Popular Oversight

Karima El-Hefnawy, a member of the Civil Movement and a leader in the Egyptian Socialist Party, spoke to Zawia3 about the importance of local councils. “Local administration is akin to an elected popular authority and a mediator between the ruling authority and citizens, working to provide various services to the people, oversee the local ruling authority, and improve services such as education, health, housing, transportation, and bread, among other needs.”

She adds that elected popular local councils exercise their powers in planning with the executive authority in the governorate, and on the appointed governors who carry out monitoring and supervision. There are articles in the 2014 Constitution that pertain to local administration, the right to hold governors accountable, and the possibility of withdrawing confidence from them. She notes that the absence of local elections for more than 15 years has led to deteriorating services in the governorates and the spread of corruption.

El-Hefnawy explains that political parties, including opposition parties, are seeking to nominate as many of their members and close allies as possible, such as activists who serve their neighborhoods and villages in various ways. She emphasizes that local councils are the primary gateway to entering parliament for legislation later on. She confirms that the absence of local councils has contributed to the deterioration of living and social conditions for citizens, and that delaying local elections means further deterioration across the country.

Local administration is considered the third branch of the executive authority according to the 2014 Egyptian Constitution and its 2019 amendments, following the President and the government. The Constitution dedicates an entire chapter to organizing the division of the state into administrative units, including governorates, cities, and villages, each with its own independent budget. Parliament was required to issue a law detailing the conditions and method of appointing or electing governors, heads of other local administrative units, their competencies, and the election method for each local unit within five years, starting in January 2014 and ending in January 2019.

Local Council Law Stuck in Drawers

Amr El-Sherif, a member of the Conservative Party and the Local Councils Coordination Committee, criticizes the delay in issuing the Local Councils Law, considering it an unjustified procrastination.

He explains that the Administrative Court ruled in favor of a lawsuit filed by the party last May against the head of the National Election Authority, requiring it to call on administrative bodies to hold local elections.

The lawsuit filed by the Conservative Party, as published on the party’s official Facebook page, argued that “the Local Administration Law has not been repealed and is still in effect. It is Law No. 43 of 1979, which governs the local governance system. The claim that the law requires amendments is not our concern. Parliament has been in session for over ten years and has issued hundreds of laws. Why has it not issued or amended the law? This excuse cannot be used as a pretext to prevent the public from exercising their constitutional rights and to avoid complying with and implementing the Constitution.”

This lawsuit is the first of its kind in the history of the Egyptian judiciary, where a party demands the holding of elections after they have been delayed for years. The history is full of cases and rulings that called for the cancellation of elections.

Egypt is one of the first countries to adopt a local governance system, initially establishing “Directorate Councils” as branches of central administration throughout the country under the “Egyptian Regulatory Law” issued by Khedive Tewfik in 1883. The 1923 Constitution recognized the local governance system, and constitutional articles included the powers and responsibilities of these councils. Subsequent Egyptian constitutions included the same powers until the 1971 Constitution, which led to the issuance of Law No. 43 of 1979 on the local governance system, still in effect today.

Under the 2014 Constitution and its amendments, the local governance system in Egypt is divided into “Local Governance Units,” which have legal personality, such as governorates, cities, centers, districts, and villages. These units have the original authority to establish and manage all public facilities within their jurisdiction and exercise all the powers that ministries have under laws and regulations, within the state’s general policy according to Article 2 of Law No. 43 of 1979. Additionally, there are “Local Councils,” also known as “Localities,” elected directly at every level of local governance.

Local councils (for governorates, cities, and districts) are primarily responsible for overseeing the work of local units, monitoring their performance, and holding those in charge accountable. During the era of former President Hosni Mubarak, the ruling National Democratic Party at that time dominated local council seats. With the outbreak of the January 2011 revolution, all local popular councils nationwide were dissolved by a court ruling, which cited the political corruption that had infiltrated the local councils.

For over eight years, no new local councils have been elected. During this time, the government has submitted several bills regarding the local governance system, the latest being a bill submitted in April 2017. The Local Administration Committee of the House of Representatives discussed it, but the bill has remained shelved since then.