While Egyptian media institutions intensify their efforts to draft a roadmap for “developing the media system” in line with presidential directives, incidents of journalists being pursued and arrested continue to occur, exposing a stark contradiction between official rhetoric and reality.
In recent weeks, journalist Safaa El-Korabiji was arrested over social media posts, while Mohamed Taher, a journalist at Al-Akhbar Al-Masa’i, was detained last Saturday morning before being later released on bail. His arrest followed a complaint filed against him by Ahmed Khamees, Assistant Minister of Tourism and Antiquities, under case number 7629/2025 (Obour Misdemeanor Court). The two incidents have reignited public debate over the boundaries of freedom of expression and the safety of journalism in Egypt—at a moment officially described as one of “comprehensive media reform.”
The Ministry of Tourism and Antiquities, through its official Facebook page, denied submitting any complaints against journalists, asserting that such allegations were “baseless” and that neither the minister nor the ministry had taken legal action against any journalist. The statement came in response to a declaration issued by the Journalists Syndicate concerning the arrest of Mohamed Taher, which had suggested that the incident followed a complaint made by the minister himself.
Later, the Syndicate President clarified that he received a phone call from Dr. Sherif Fathy, Minister of Tourism and Antiquities, who affirmed that he had not filed any complaint and that he would submit a grievance to the Syndicate the following day against those who had implicated his name in the report. The minister emphasized his rejection of dealing with journalists through legal complaints. The Syndicate President added that he had conveyed the union’s objection to the way Taher was treated, while the minister maintained that he bore no responsibility for the incident.
In a related development, on October 13, the Supreme State Security Prosecution renewed the detention of journalist Safaa El-Korbeigi for 15 more days pending investigations. She had been arrested on October 6 and referred to the State Security Prosecution, which charged her with “joining a terrorist group” and “spreading false news.” According to Eman Aouf, head of both the Freedoms and Women’s Committees at the Journalists Syndicate, El-Korbeigi had previously been imprisoned on the same charges for nearly two years.
During the past five months, more than 12 journalists have been interrogated—some by the prosecution, others by different authorities—according to what the head of the Freedoms Committee told Zawia3.
The President Calls for “Freedom of Expression”… Officials Respond: No Room for Criticism
Publication
In her interview with Zawia3, Eman Aouf, head of the Freedoms Committee at the Journalists Syndicate, recounted the details of what journalist Mohamed Taher had faced. She explained that Taher was the first to report the theft of the Pharaonic bracelet after obtaining the information from his sources on September 9. Just one day after the publication, on September 13, the Ministry of Tourism and Antiquities filed a complaint requesting an investigation into the incident, which was followed by a prosecution order to detain the responsible employee and several others involved. This, Aouf noted, confirmed the accuracy of the journalist’s reporting and proved that his information was neither false nor misleading.
Aouf added that, later that same month, following the bracelet story, Taher published a new piece about the theft of an archaeological artifact known as the Four Seasons Stele from one of the museums—an incident that had occurred about four months earlier. This prompted the ministry to file another complaint and open a new investigation into the case.
The Freedoms Committee head continued that the journalist was summoned by the Cybercrime Investigation Department for what he was told would be an “informal conversation,” but soon discovered that it had turned into a formal interrogation. His mobile phone was confiscated without a warrant, and he was detained for more than four hours before being referred to the Obour Prosecution. Neither the Syndicate nor its representatives were notified of his summoning or interrogation, which Aouf described as a clear violation of the law and of the Public Prosecutor’s directives requiring the presence of the Syndicate President—or his delegate—in all press-related cases.
Aouf submitted three formal requests to the prosecution: first, to declare the investigation null and void for failure to notify the Syndicate; second, to object to the seizure of Taher’s phone, as it threatens the confidentiality of journalistic sources; and third, to object to the imposition of financial bail in publishing cases, since the law stipulates that journalists should be released solely on the Syndicate’s guarantee.
During questioning, the prosecution confronted Taher with nearly nine Facebook posts he had published, all addressing alleged corruption and administrative irregularities within the Ministry of Tourism and Antiquities. Following the investigation, the prosecution decided to release him on bail of 2,000 pounds ($41.67), meaning that the case remains open, according to Aouf.
She further noted that the issue of bail in publishing cases has escalated in recent months, with amounts ranging between 2,000 and 10,000 pounds ($41.67–$208.33). This, she said, represents a new and troubling precedent, since financial bail was never applied in press-related cases. Traditionally, journalists accused in publishing cases are to be released on the Syndicate’s guarantee, pledging to appear for questioning whenever summoned, without the need to pay bail. She also described the confiscation of Taher’s mobile phone and treating it as a piece of evidence as a dangerous and unprecedented development in the handling of journalists, given the serious risks it poses to the safety and confidentiality of their sources. She stressed that such measures had not been previously practiced in publication or journalistic investigation cases.
It is worth noting that in August 2025, the State Security Prosecution ordered the release of Lina Attalah, Editor-in-Chief of Mada Masr, on bail of 30,000 pounds ($625) pending case no. 6182/2025 (State Security), after interrogating her on charges of “spreading false news” and “operating an unlicensed website,” in connection with a report about conditions inside Badr 3 Prison published by Mada Masr.
In May, the Supreme State Security Prosecution also ordered the release of journalist and broadcaster Rasha Kandil, following her interrogation in case no. 4196/2025 (State Security). According to human rights lawyer Khaled Ali, Kandil faced 31 complaints filed by citizens from various governorates and professions, with nearly identical wording and targeting the same articles and investigations she had published.
Aouf criticized the statements made by the Minister of Antiquities regarding Taher’s case, describing them as “catastrophic.” She asserted that the minister’s denial of involvement in filing the complaint does not absolve him of political or moral responsibility, asking: “Is it reasonable for a ministry employee to file a complaint against a journalist without the minister’s knowledge? And how can a journalist be investigated while no inquiry is opened against the employee implicated in a corruption incident?”
She further noted that the current minister had previously taken similar actions against other journalists and creative professionals, including a young artist who was suspended for using artificial intelligence tools in an artwork promoting the opening of the Egyptian Museum. Aouf argued that the ministry demonstrates a hostile stance toward transparency and the circulation of information, at a time when incidents of theft and negligence inside museums and archaeological storerooms continue to recur.
In her concluding remarks, Aouf told Zawia3: “Journalist Mohamed Taher has been covering the antiquities beat for more than 15 years. His writings are meant to alert officials, not to defame anyone. Yet, it seems that warning officials has become grounds for prosecution rather than action. It would have been better for the ministry to pursue the corrupt if it truly had spare time, instead of chasing journalists and creatives.”
Sixteen Journalists in Pretrial Detention
Safaa El-Korbeigi spent two years in pretrial detention between April 2022 and February 2024 over the protests of employees at the Radio and Television Building (Maspero) against the management of the National Media Authority. She was listed in Case No. 441/2022 before being released in April 2024 as part of a group of 60 detainees held in connection with political cases.
According to Eman Aouf, head of the Freedoms and Women’s Committees at the Journalists Syndicate, the arrest of El-Korbeigi was “a major shock to the journalistic community,” particularly since she had already spent nearly two years in pretrial detention before being released without any court ruling issued against her.
Aouf noted El-Korbeigi’s fragile health condition, explaining that she suffers from a physical disability resulting from polio paralysis, in addition to an unstable psychological state caused by her previous imprisonment. She told Zawia3: “We had hoped that this human dimension would be taken into account and that her experience of detention would not be repeated—especially in light of the President’s statements about media reform and expanding the space for freedom of expression.”
She continued: “Alongside Safaa’s case, we were surprised in recent days by the referral of most journalists held in pretrial detention—a total of sixteen—to trial. Currently, only Safaa El-Korbeigi remains in pretrial detention after being arrested less than two weeks ago.”
According to the latest statistics from the Journalists Syndicate, there are currently 24 journalists behind bars, including four who have already been sentenced, four standing trial, and the remainder referred to court proceedings after extended periods of pretrial detention.
Aouf stressed the importance of enforcing alternatives to pretrial detention as stipulated in the amendments to the Criminal Procedure Code, which were themselves advocated by the President. Among these alternatives, she noted, is allowing professional syndicates to guarantee their members, a mechanism that would alleviate the humanitarian and economic suffering of detainees and their families while preserving the state’s right to pursue legal oversight.
During the interrogation of journalist Safaa El-Korbeigi, the State Security Prosecution confronted her with several Facebook posts, including one discussing the Ajiba Chalets crisis in Marsa Matrouh Governorate, where the Egyptian government began demolishing chalets under the pretext of development and investment, according to Aouf.
In January 2025, Marsa Matrouh witnessed widespread controversy, particularly among the owners of chalets in the Ajiba area, following reports that the government planned to demolish them under claims of urban development and investment.
Those affected issued public appeals calling for an official clarification from the Matrouh Governorate or any relevant governmental body to explain the rationale behind the decision and dispel what they described as the “ambiguity surrounding the situation.” They warned that the absence of transparent communication only fuels rumors and deepens public anxiety.
Prosecution and Trials in the Era of “Media Development”
Journalist and syndicate leader Hesham Fouad believes that what is currently happening under the banner of “media development” is in fact an attempt to engineer the media landscape—much like what happens in parliamentary elections. In his words, “sovereign bodies are the ones deciding, through multiple means, who wins and who loses. They even select some opposition figures and exclude others, creating a scene that appears democratic—with elections, parliaments, and representatives—while in reality, it is the ruling authority that holds the reins of power.”
“At the media level,” Fouad continued, “we see something similar: suddenly, directives are issued from the top calling for media liberalization. Immediately, the government forms committees, which in turn spawn subcommittees for ‘reform.’ To beautify the picture, a few opposition voices are allowed to reappear. But does this signify genuine reform? Of course not.” He added that true reform must be initiated by journalists themselves, through an independent press, not one steered by governmental orders or political agendas.
According to Fouad, genuine reform is already well defined in the general conferences of journalists, which have consistently summarized the reform process in two indispensable pillars: freedom of the press and journalists, and liberating journalists from fear for their future through job security and fair pay.
Fouad warned that ignoring these demands will only lead to further consequences: journalists spending years behind bars for their opinions, continued disregard for the appointment of temporary workers in media institutions, and the gradual dismantling of state-owned press organizations.
He concluded by stressing the necessity for the journalistic community to form active pressure groups to push for the greatest possible gains for both journalism and journalists, emphasizing that real change requires collective pressure from within the profession itself. Fouad expressed doubts about the existence of any genuine political will to abandon the “one-voice doctrine,” asserting that the greatest challenge now lies in restoring media to its audience instead of keeping it a mere mouthpiece for those in power.
In the same context, Eman Aouf maintained that media reform cannot be achieved while journalists remain behind bars, calling for an immediate halt to arrests based on opinion and for the inclusion of pluralistic voices in the public sphere. She explained that the Journalists Syndicate has repeatedly demanded the release of journalists in pretrial detention under the Syndicate’s guarantee, whereby the union ensures their attendance at interrogation sessions whenever required. She described this measure as “a fair and humane alternative to pretrial detention.”
The Egyptian Constitution guarantees freedom of the press and freedom of expression. Article 65 states that “Freedom of thought and opinion is guaranteed. Every person has the right to express his or her opinion verbally, in writing, through imagery, or by any other means of expression and publication.”
Article 70 affirms that “Freedom of the press, printing, publishing, and all forms of media—whether in print, broadcast, audiovisual, or digital—is guaranteed. Egyptians, whether natural or legal persons, public or private, have the right to own and issue newspapers and establish visual, audio, and digital media outlets.”
Furthermore, Article 71 stipulates that “No form of censorship, confiscation, suspension, or closure may be imposed on Egyptian newspapers or media outlets. Censorship may only be applied in times of war or general mobilization. No custodial penalties shall be imposed for crimes committed by means of publication or publicity.”
However, despite these constitutional guarantees of the right to access information and freedom of publication, the Egyptian Parliament has yet to pass a Freedom of Information Law, despite repeated calls for its adoption under Article 68. Meanwhile, legal and administrative restrictions continue to tighten around independent journalism and digital publishing, effectively rendering the constitutional right to information paralyzed in practice
A Snapshot of Egypt’s Media Reality
A recent report by the Regional Center for Rights and Freedoms documented the state of press and media freedom in Egypt during the first half of 2025, highlighting the persistence of violations against journalists and media institutions, alongside escalating economic and professional challenges that continue to undermine the journalistic environment.
At the forefront of these violations were legal and security abuses, as several prominent journalists remained in pretrial detention on publishing-related charges—among them Sayed Saber, Khaled Mamdouh, and cartoonist Ashraf Omar—with their detention repeatedly renewed for extended periods without fair trial. The report also recorded new summonses issued against other journalists, including Rasha Kandil and Lina Attalah, in connection with published journalistic materials.
Conversely, the same period witnessed a limited number of releases, most notably that of journalist Ahmed Serag, who was freed by the Interior Ministry’s security services days after the Supreme State Security Prosecution ordered his release pending Case No. 7/2025, as part of a list that included about 50 detainees, among them lawyer Nasr El-Din Hamed Abdel-Maqsoud, who had been held since September 2021.
Serag had been arrested on January 16, 2025, following the publication of a video interview he conducted with Nada Mughith, wife of detained cartoonist Ashraf Omar. The prosecution charged him with “joining a terrorist organization, spreading false news, and using a website to promote terrorist ideas.”
In this context, Mostafa Shawky, a researcher specializing in press and media freedom at the Association for Freedom of Thought and Expression (AFTE), told Zawia3 that the government’s decision to form a committee to “develop media performance” represents “a confusing and alarming step,” describing it as a clear encroachment on the mandates of Egypt’s constitutional media regulatory bodies: the Supreme Council for Media Regulation, the National Press Authority, and the National Media Authority.
According to Shawky, the creation of this committee reflects “a state of confusion in managing the media file within the government.” He explained: “Either these institutions are incapable of performing their duties due to issues related to their authority, independence, or composition—in which case their structure should be reconsidered—or there is an intentional desire to bypass them through parallel committees that intervene in their jurisdiction. This raises serious questions about the real objective behind the new committee.”
Shawky stressed that “talking about media reform is meaningless amid an ongoing monopoly over the media market.” He emphasized that dismantling this monopoly must be the first step toward genuine media liberalization, enabling journalists and outlets to fulfill their professional and watchdog roles independently.
The rights researcher added that dozens of media and news websites in Egypt have still not obtained operating licenses due to what he described as “ongoing administrative and security interventions,” arguing that this reality strips any discourse about media reform of its seriousness and credibility.
He concluded: “It is impossible to speak of developing journalism and media while even one journalist remains imprisoned for their work or opinions. If this newly formed committee truly wants to leave a meaningful legacy, it should help the Journalists Syndicate ensure that Egypt becomes a country where not a single journalist remains behind bars.”
Independent Journalism?
Egypt ranked sixth worldwide in the number of imprisoned journalists during 2024, with 17 journalists behind bars, according to a report published in January 2025 by the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ).
Egypt was listed among the ten worst countries for jailing journalists that year. Out of the 17 documented cases, seven journalists were reportedly detained in connection with the economic crisis, at least two of whom had criticized the government’s economic policies, according to the CPJ report.
In an interview with Zawia3, journalist Essam Kamel, Editor-in-Chief of Veto newspaper and a member of the main committee for media development, said that the Egyptian journalistic and media community “has long faced custodial penalties in publishing cases and has been struggling for years to secure a climate that allows genuine freedom for journalistic and media work.”
Kamel added: “Freedom of the press cannot be seen as a gift or a favor granted by anyone. A journalist is not above society but performs a sacred mission—conveying accurate information to the reader, who is the ultimate goal and purpose.” He emphasized that building a professional and influential media system requires laws that guarantee access to information, since “a journalist cannot deliver accurate reporting in the absence of legislation that obliges official entities to respond to his or her questions.”
He criticized the continued existence of restrictive legal provisions, such as Article 12 of Law No. 180 of 2018, which “prohibits journalists from filming any event without prior authorization.” He asked rhetorically: “Can a journalist possibly predict that a building will collapse two days in advance and wait to get a permit? Such provisions are illogical and obstruct the press from covering emergencies and breaking news.”
The Veto editor-in-chief stressed the necessity of ensuring the independence of media regulatory bodies—including the Supreme Council for Media Regulation, the National Press Authority, and the National Media Authority—from government control, so that they can effectively perform their supervisory and professional duties.
He noted that the Journalists Syndicate has been working for nearly a year on an integrated project that includes a Freedom of Information Law, amendments to media regulatory legislation, and the abolition of custodial penalties in all journalism- and media-related laws.
Kamel argued that “the arrest of any journalist—male or female—at this particular moment completely contradicts the political leadership’s declared intention to build a strong and influential media capable of reaching both local and regional audiences.” He asserted that “genuine media reform cannot be achieved as long as such practices persist.”
n an earlier report by Zawia3, titled “Media Development in Egypt: A Chance for Genuine Reform or a Repeat of the ‘National Dialogue’ Scenario?”, the platform spoke with several senior media figures and documented key demands and proposed measures to outline a comprehensive roadmap for reforming journalism and media in Egypt.
At the forefront of these demands were: strengthening press freedom, releasing imprisoned journalists, and ending security-driven prosecutions in publishing cases. Other central recommendations included improving journalists’ economic and social conditions, developing media content, supporting both public and private media institutions, and keeping pace with modern digital and technological transformations—all to ensure a professional, impactful, and sustainable media landscape.
In the end, the ongoing discourse on “media development” in Egypt remains clouded by growing uncertainty, amid persistent security practices targeting journalists and the continued enforcement of restrictive laws that curb journalistic work. While the state speaks of “reform” and “freedom of expression,” the daily realities tell a different story—one of contradiction between rhetoric and practice.
