Egypt’s state-owned press institutions have been suffering from professional aging and a sharp decline over the past two decades, threatening their professional future and institutional standing. This decline has not been limited to the financial aspect only, but also includes professional, administrative, and legislative challenges that threaten Egypt’s loss of a vital part of its soft power and cultural and civilizational heritage.
Additionally, these institutions have stopped hiring and renewing journalistic staff for more than ten years, leading to a worsening crisis of aging workforce and a lack of fresh blood, which has deprived them of the ability to innovate and renew their content, as well as keep pace with technological developments and changes in the media market.
Experts believe that these challenges come in the context of even more complicated conditions, including reduced government support, a decline in advertisement sales, as well as administrative and regulatory restrictions that limit journalistic freedom and impact editorial independence. All of these factors together significantly and negatively affect the reality of state-owned newspapers in Egypt.
The print press in Egypt began in the late 18th century, with the publication of Egypt’s first official newspaper during the reign of Muhammad Ali Pasha in 1828, which was known as “The Khedive’s Journal.” It served as a means to communicate the details and developments in agricultural, industrial, and commercial production. In 1828, the first issue of the “Egyptian Gazette” was published, covering official events and financial and scientific matters, with a print run of no more than 600 copies, distributed among scholars, students at higher schools, and senior civil and military officials, and was not for sale or subscription.
Since that time, several newspapers have emerged, both government and private, starting during the reign of Khedive Ismail. Additionally, newspapers and magazines that were born from the 1919 Revolution, including “Rose al-Youssef” founded by Fatima al-Youssef, as well as “Al-Akhbar” by Ali and Mustafa Amin, “Al-Mosawar” magazine, “Al-Kawakeb” magazine, “Akhir Sa’a” magazine, “Sabah Al-Khair” magazine, and “Shajarat al-Durr” magazine, which are still in circulation today.
After the July 23, 1952 Revolution, the Revolutionary Command Council issued “Al-Tahrir” magazine, headed by Ahmed Hamroush on September 16, 1952, and also issued “Al-Gomhuria” newspaper, headed by Mohamed Anwar Sadat, and “Al-Masaa” newspaper, headed by Khaled Mohieddin.
“Al-Ahram,” “Al-Akhbar,” and “Al-Gomhuria” newspapers, as well as “Rose al-Youssef,” “Sabah Al-Khair,” “Al-Mosawar,” “Al-Jeel,” “Al-Kawakeb,” “Hawa,” and “Akhir Sa’a” magazines, have continued to be published until today, allowing the state to choose their boards of directors and editors-in-chief.
In 1980, Law No. 148 was issued, defining three types of newspapers: “State-Owned Newspapers,” “Political Party Newspapers,” and “Private Newspapers.”
Data indicates that the number of print newspapers in 2010 was 142, which decreased to 81 after the January 2011 Revolution, and further dropped to 61 newspapers in 2021, a 57% decline over 11 years, according to the annual report issued by the Central Agency for Public Mobilization and Statistics.
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Declining Distribution and Financial Crises
The number of state-owned press institutions in Egypt amounts to 8 main institutions, which are: (Al-Ahram Foundation, Akhbar El-Youm Foundation, Dar Al-Tahrir Printing and Publishing Foundation, Dar El-Hilal Foundation, Rose Al-Youssef Foundation, Dar Al-Ma’arif Foundation, the National Distribution Company Foundation, and the Middle East News Agency). These institutions are subject to the supervision and oversight of the National Press Authority, in accordance with the Egyptian Constitution and the Press and Media Regulation Law No. 180 of 2018.
Over the past decade, Egypt’s state-owned newspapers have witnessed a rapid financial deterioration, with their debts, including interest, surpassing 9 billion Egyptian pounds, of which the principal debt amounts to 3 billion pounds, according to statements by Abdel Sadiq Al-Shorbagy, head of the National Press Authority. In contrast, the monthly financial demands reach 250 million pounds, while distribution and advertisement figures have significantly declined.
In 2019, the Egyptian government decided to reduce the financial support for state-owned institutions to one-third, with a plan to stop it completely within a few years. In return, the government worked on merging some publications to reduce costs. In 2021, the National Press Authority issued a decision to halt all evening editions of the three state-owned newspapers, “Al-Ahram Al-Masai,” “Akhbar Al-Masai,” and “Al-Masaa,” and later announced the merging of the publications “Hawa,” “Al-Kawakeb,” and “Your Private Doctor” issued by Dar El-Hilal Foundation into a single publication, “Hawa.”
In April 2024, the National Press Authority decided to change the “Nisf Al-Dunya” magazine from a weekly to a monthly edition, merging it with “Al-Bayt” magazine. This sparked widespread anger and dissatisfaction among the employees of the press institutions, who considered the decision an extension of the tendency to close or merge printed editions under the pretext of reducing losses, without serious thought given to ways of developing and saving them.
Journalist Hisham Fouad believes that the role of state-owned press institutions has effectively ended, and they are being gradually phased out, piece by piece, in the absence of a real vision for reform, under the prevailing logic of “liquidation.”
Fouad explains in his talk with Zawia3 that the Egyptian authorities since July 2013 have not been sufficiently confident in these institutions, despite their long history. Instead of reforming them, they sought to establish a new media apparatus under their control, which manifested in the emergence of a giant media entity such as the United Media Services Company, which took over most of the major television and media platforms.
He adds that the state has withdrawn from the state-owned institutions, treating them as if they were failing companies being liquidated, starting with halting hiring since 2014, followed by merging publications and converting them into electronic versions, and finally, gradually selling assets and headquarters, without any clear plan for rescue or development.
Fouad believes that these measures coincided with the issuance of new press laws that reduced the representation of elected journalists on the boards of directors and institutions, in favor of appointed members, most of whom are aligned with the executive authority’s directives.
He concludes his remarks by affirming that “Reforming the state-owned institutions, at its core, is a political decision that cannot be separated from the launching of press freedoms and freedom of expression, which would allow for the creation of a truly competitive environment that restores the role of these institutions and improves the conditions of journalists working in them.”
Suspension of Appointments in State-Owned Institutions
The Egyptian government has suspended appointments within state-owned institutions for several years, as part of austerity policies and strict government controls on public sector employment. This has led to the freezing of institutional structures and the absence of professional renewal.
In this context, demands from hundreds of journalists working on temporary contracts in state-owned institutions have escalated, calling for their stabilization and appointment after their work periods exceeded ten years in some cases, without any job guarantees or stable social insurance rights.
In a meeting with the head of the journalists’ syndicate on July 12, the temporary workers demanded that Engineer Abdel-Sadiq Al-Shorbagy, the head of the National Press Authority, quickly announce the date for signing contracts and complete the required procedures swiftly, in continuation of his significant efforts on this matter over the past months, especially after all official steps stopped following the temporary workers’ interviews in September and October of the previous year.
This came after the temporary workers in state-owned newspapers decided to temporarily suspend the events planned for the coming days, to give the officials handling their appointment files the necessary time to complete the required procedures for signing contracts and completing the necessary steps, after intervention from journalist Khaled Balshy, the head of the journalists’ syndicate, who confirmed that the procedures were progressing well and that officials should be given the time they need to finalize the matter.
For her part, Iman Awf, a member of the journalists’ syndicate board, calls for a radical transformation of state-owned press institutions, stressing that they suffer from “calcification” that prevents them from keeping up with rapid developments, especially in the technological field. Awf notes in her interview with Zawia3 that these institutions urgently need to inject new blood and open the door to young people, in addition to raising the ceiling of press freedom so that state-owned press can once again become the voice of the people.
Awf stresses that the accumulated experience of the older generation of journalists, important as it is, is no longer sufficient in the age of the digital revolution. She says, “We need to get rid of the calcification and open the door to young groups to be appointed in state-owned institutions, to breathe new life and energy into them.” She adds that the greatest challenge lies in utilizing the massive resources of state-owned institutions — whether their buildings or staff — which still do not make full use of technology. She called for “a clear and specific needs assessment” to develop the journalistic content, making it more advanced and appealing.
The syndicate board member emphasizes that the true role of state-owned press is to express the people, as they are “owned by the people.” She explains that this role has significantly declined, transforming state-owned press into mere “official statements,” which has led to the public’s reluctance to buy printed newspapers due to the lack of diverse and appealing content. She said, “Even when people try to develop the content, it is rejected, leading to laziness and public indifference.”
Awf criticizes the promotion system within state-owned newspapers, pointing out that “it is sometimes marred by bureaucracy, political, and security considerations” at the expense of the cadres with genuine competence. She calls for the presence of “young leaders with vision and the ability to develop these institutions,” away from promotions based on “political desires.”
Awf emphasizes the importance of introducing “new and different types of journalism, whether investigative, in-depth, or data journalism, among other forms” into state-owned institutions, considering this could “restore confidence to state institutions and give them new positive energy.”
Iman Awf, a member of the journalists’ syndicate board, adds that at the administrative level, there is an urgent need for comprehensive restructuring of state-owned press institutions, ensuring more flexibility and the ability to adapt to the rapid transformations in the media industry.
She believes that cooperation with media faculties is a necessary step to develop curricula and visions that align with the modern changes in the journalism industry, contributing to the qualification of new cadres capable of leading change within state institutions. She also stresses the importance of forming partnerships with specialized technology companies to introduce modern digital tools and platforms, which would help update the working environment and support the infrastructure of these institutions.
Awf continues: “At the level of the print journalism industry, its crisis cannot be separated from the broader economic context. The rising cost of paper and printing on one hand, and the declining purchasing power of citizens on the other, have made it difficult for the public to continue buying daily newspapers, especially with some editions reaching prices that are unsuitable for the majority.”
She adds: “At the same time, the widespread use of smartphones and easy access to the internet has strengthened the digital presence of online journalism, which has become more attractive to large segments of the public seeking fast and free content.”
Globally, print media faces fierce competition from the internet and social media, which provide a faster, cheaper (often free) source for news. A local survey revealed that less than 2% of the public now regularly get news from printed newspapers, while 44% turn to websites, and 50% rely on both digital and traditional sources together. This digital shift has left printed press, especially state-owned press in Egypt, without a young readership base. Additionally, changes in public culture and reading habits have been noted, with analyses pointing to the lack of reading interest among the younger generation due to the decline in educational standards and weak family attention to developing reading habits.
However, alongside these general factors, there are specific reasons for the crisis in the distribution of state-owned newspapers. The most prominent of these, as previously mentioned, is the weak content of these newspapers and its failure to meet the public’s aspirations. Newspaper distributors confirmed that boring journalistic content is a primary reason for declining sales; if the reader does not find something of interest on the first page, they will not buy the paper. The pages of state newspapers have become less attractive and fail to capture the attention of young readers, compared to fast news sites or even private newspapers, which try to diversify topics and headlines. Therefore, content comes first among the reasons for the public’s indifference, even before price increases.
While emphasizing the importance of printed press as a repository and collective memory, Awf stresses that the priority today should be to develop a clear plan for digital transformation. She points out that the experiences of many countries worldwide have proven that the shift toward electronic press is no longer an option but a necessity imposed by technological developments and economic pressures.
Awf concludes her statement by stressing that state-owned institutions are required to reconsider their editorial and technological policies and place digital transformation at the heart of their future strategies, as it is an inevitable path to ensure survival, impact, and sustainability in an ever-changing media environment.
Absence of Appointments and Unfair Work Practices Signal Privatization
On her part, journalist Mona Ezzat warns that state-owned press institutions are currently going through several crises that threaten their survival and historical role, noting that the continuation of the current situation signals the potential scenario of privatization, which could result in Egypt losing an important part of its soft power and cultural heritage.
Ezzat emphasizes in her conversation with Zawia3 that the most concerning aspect is the “suspension of appointments” that has lasted for 15 years, which means that two full generations of young journalists have been deprived of the opportunity for stable work within these prestigious institutions. She explained that this situation has led to reliance on “temporary labor” that bears the burden of the institution without enjoying “stable and secure wages, or decent contracts” that define their relationship with the institution and ensure them fair wages that keep pace with rising prices and living costs. She considers these practices “unacceptable by decent labor standards,” as they contradict international standards and the law.
Mona Ezzat describes the condition of state-owned press institutions as being in a “state of stagnation for many years,” with no “professional development” seen, but rather “a narrowing of the writing spaces” and “a decline in distribution rates.” She points out that these institutions, which once played “an important and influential role in journalism,” are now experiencing “a decline in professional levels and work relationships.”
Ezzat expresses her grave concern over the continuation of this situation, which she believes resembles what has happened and continues to happen in factories and privatization policies, where “workers are laid off and exclusionary practices take place” in preparation for privatization. Ezzat fears that “the scenario is on its way to repeating itself once again in state-owned newspapers,” and that they may face “privatization policies suddenly, without societal dialogue” with journalists, the syndicate, and the concerned institutions.
Ezzat draws attention to the fact that state-owned institutions previously had “correspondents and offices in every country around the world,” and were an integral part of “Egypt’s influence and soft power” that maintained “our leadership in the field of journalism.” She asserts that “the idea of Egyptian journalism and its impact and spread in all countries of the world, along with its correspondents,” was an important part of “the mental image of the country,” and that losing this presence means “Egypt losing part of its cultural image.”
The journalist concludes her remarks by emphasizing that these institutions were “schools” that contributed to the development of the profession, and that the loss of this legacy and history causes collective concern, fearing sudden decisions that could “destroy all these dimensions and deduct from Egypt’s cultural and civilizational legacy.”
The Editorial Crisis: Absence of Diversity and Erosion of Independence
The crisis of state-owned press in Egypt is not limited to its financial and administrative aspects, but extends to the very core of journalistic practice. These institutions have suffered for years from the erosion of editorial space and the continued official dominance over content, transforming them, in the eyes of the public, into official mouthpieces for the authorities, rather than independent platforms that reflect reality or represent the people.
The spaces for criticism and opposition have significantly decreased since 2013, when red lines were firmly redrawn, and the voices of diversity gradually vanished. Even the formal balance that existed in some previous periods, when some state-owned newspapers published limited critical articles, has now completely disappeared.
This decline in editorial independence has reflected on the content itself; reports often lack essential information and merely reproduce the same official narratives across different newspapers, and even in official television broadcasts, creating a general impression among the public of monotony, repetition, and a lack of professional vitality.
Moreover, the weakening of journalistic freedoms has led to the neglect of investigative and in-depth journalism, as state-owned newspapers rarely publish investigations revealing corruption or institutional shortcomings, resulting in a large oversight vacuum that was partly filled by independent platforms before they were restricted.
This editorial crisis has led to a growing loss of public trust, a decline in readership rates, and the disinterest of new journalists in working for these institutions, given the absence of an editorial environment that allows them to express themselves or innovate.
For two centuries, state-owned press in Egypt has formed part of the backbone of public culture and the enlightenment role, maintaining a symbolic and professional position in the collective consciousness, despite undergoing repeated political and economic fluctuations. However, its current crisis goes beyond being a temporary setback; it has reached the level of an existential crisis that threatens to strip entire institutions of their social function, professional weight, and possibly their very existence.
The intersection of financial crises, the deterioration of the working environment, the absence of appointment and development policies, and the gradual withdrawal of the state from its responsibilities, has placed state-owned institutions in a fragile position on the media map. Meanwhile, the editorial shrinkage has led to public disinterest, a collapse in the appeal of content, and the erosion of professional trust.
On the other hand, these institutions still retain some elements of strength: a historical archive, institutional reach, and remnants of symbolic capital in the public imagination. However, this legacy alone cannot ensure survival unless it is accompanied by clear political will, and a comprehensive reform plan that integrates digital transformation with professional journalism, respects journalists’ rights and freedoms, and redefines the role of public media as a public service platform rather than a promotional tool.
Today, state-owned press stands at a critical crossroads: it must either submit to the scenario of gradual liquidation in the form of privatization or systematic neglect, or it must be granted a new opportunity for revival, with modern tools, different editorial conditions, and a respect for the right to know, addressing a new audience in its language and issues.
