On July 30th, a young man in his twenties, Firas Yasser Abu Amro, from the Al-Rumaylat tribe, was killed in the Sheikh Zuweid area of North Sinai by one of the militants belonging to the armed groups of the Sinai Tribal Union, led by businessman Ibrahim Al-Argani, who is closely associated with the government. The killer, Mahmoud Hamad Abu Holi, shot him. This sparked widespread anger among the Sinai tribes, which Al-Argani later tried to contain.
Over the course of three days, Zawia3 spoke with various sources, including the victim’s family and some of his neighbors, who confirmed the incident. They said he was killed in a treacherous act, shot in the head, and that he was a young man known for his good character and reputation. He had been married for no more than three months. They also clarified that this was the second such incident within the same week, as earlier in the last week of July, there had been clashes between Al-Argani’s forces and the locals.
In this context, a tribal source confirmed that Al-Argani had made intensive phone calls in recent days to calm the crisis, in light of the widespread anger among the tribes due to the recurrence of such incidents and the ongoing clashes between the tribes and armed factions associated with the so-called “Tribal Union.” An initial agreement was made to hold an expanded meeting of the Tribal Council to discuss the crisis, provided that the victim’s family and relatives refrain from escalating the matter and from posting on social media or speaking with the media.
The source confirmed that the victim’s funeral will take place this afternoon from the Grand Mosque in Sheikh Zuweid, and it is expected that Al-Argani or a representative will attend the funeral. The source also emphasized that communication will continue between the Swarka tribe, to which the perpetrator belongs, and the Al-Rumaylat tribe to set a date for the Tribal Council meeting after the funeral proceedings.
Another tribal source, who asked to remain anonymous, said that there are attempts to resolve the situation on one side, while on the other side, there is a campaign to tarnish the victim’s image. This is despite the fact that the perpetrator is a man of notorious reputation who has participated in numerous attacks over the past years targeting locals, along with armed groups backed by weapons.
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The Rule of Law?
In his comment on the incident, Dr. Ahmed Salem, Executive Director of the Sinai Human Rights Organization, says in an interview with Zawia3 that it is essential to apply the law to everyone and to conduct an independent and transparent judicial investigation that ensures a fair and public trial for all parties without tribal or security influences.
Salem calls on the elders of the two tribes, Al-Rumaylat and Al-Sawarka, to prioritize wisdom and prevent bloodshed, handling the crisis within the framework of social norms to avoid any potential escalation or violence. He stresses the need to disarm the tribal groups that have formed outside the legal framework with the state’s support, holding the Egyptian authorities fully responsible for the consequences of militarizing tribal society and the resulting crimes and security breakdowns.
Salem points out that this incident is the third within the month of July alone; it was preceded by the kidnapping of a young man in the city of Arish by an armed group over financial disputes, using weapons granted with the army’s approval, which confirms the use of these weapons currently outside the law and contributes to the militarization of society.
The Executive Director of the Sinai Human Rights Organization affirms the need to handle this issue with great caution due to its extreme sensitivity, given the rising anger and the dominance of the logic of vengeance and retaliation. He warns that the perpetrator’s disappearance may make his family and anyone carrying his father’s name a target for revenge. Salem mentions that the organization will issue a statement focusing on clear legal and human rights recommendations, without delving into details that could further complicate the situation rather than facilitating the needed de-escalation.
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A Tense Security Context
North Sinai, particularly the city of Arish, has witnessed a sharp increase in violent incidents in recent days, reflecting a growing security tension between residents and some local armed groups. The murder of the young Sinai man, Yasser Firas Abu Amro, came less than a week after violent armed clashes in the city, which resulted in the injury of two locals and the mysterious kidnapping of a third person.
According to field testimonies from some residents, who spoke to us with great caution, the clashes involved the use of four-wheel drive vehicles and firearms believed to be owned by members of the Sinai Tribes Union. This has raised fears among residents of the widening scope of the clashes and the lack of clear accountability mechanisms. These successive events confirm that Sinai remains caught in a sensitive security equation, where the presence of informal armed groups intersects with the daily lives of the residents, in the absence of clear boundaries between legitimate security roles and potential violations.
The causes of these tensions, according to testimonies from locals, are attributed to several accumulated factors over the past years. On one hand, the reliance on armed tribal groups to confront extremist factions has played a role in creating local power centers armed with weapons and influence, making them direct parties in tribal disputes or conflicts at times. On the other hand, the lack of transparency and legal oversight of these groups’ movements has led to heightened friction with civilians, especially amid human rights accusations of violations such as extrajudicial killings or arbitrary arrests. Moreover, difficult economic conditions, forced displacement, and land evacuations documented by human rights organizations have contributed to increased frustration between the residents and the armed groups operating on the ground. Thus, any individual incident has become highly combustible, within a fragile security environment filled with mutual distrust and fear between the local community and the armed groups.
The Armed Factions of Al-Argani and Why They Were Formed
The armed factions led by Ibrahim Al-Argani, primarily the Sinai Tribes Union, were formed in the context of a highly complex security situation in the Sinai Peninsula following the January 25, 2011 revolution. During this period, extremist groups, led by “Ansar Beit Al-Maqdis,” which later pledged allegiance to ISIS under the name “Wilayat Sinai,” expanded, exploiting the state’s weak security grip and the growing security vacuum in the remote border areas at that time.
As attacks on the army, police, and civilians escalated, the Egyptian state found itself facing an unprecedented challenge. The regular forces alone were unable to operate effectively in the mountainous and desert terrains, prompting them to enlist the help of tribal members who possessed detailed knowledge of the region’s geography and pathways. In this context, coordination began with tribal leaders, notably Ibrahim Al-Argani of the Tarabin tribe, to establish an armed entity uniting local fighters under the name “Sinai Tribes Union,” which over the years became a prominent security and economic player in the Sinai landscape.
The Sinai Tribes Union includes about 30 tribes, including the Tarabin, Sawarka, and Rumaylat, in addition to subgroups such as “Sons of Sinai Mujahideen,” who come from the Naguizat clan and contributed to the control of areas like Al-Jura and Al-Ajra. The union relies on local fighters who have been trained and armed by the army, provided with four-wheel-drive vehicles and armored cars, enabling them to carry out ambushes, raid militants’ hideouts, and secure hard-to-reach areas. Over time, the union’s role has extended beyond security to economic sectors, including securing and managing the Rafah crossing and establishing security and service companies, thus enhancing Al-Argani’s influence and dominance over local economic hubs. This combination of weaponry and commerce has sparked significant debate about the boundaries between the security and commercial roles of these entities, and whether they still serve as state auxiliaries or have turned into independent forces.
The stated goals of these formations were to combat terrorism, fill the security vacuum after 2011, and facilitate army operations in rugged areas. However, some observers argue that the Egyptian state treated the union as an “informal arm” to secure tribal loyalty and protect the regime, allowing it considerable freedom in managing its internal affairs in exchange for adhering to the state’s security line. In practice, the union played deeper roles than just military engagement; it participated in border control with Gaza, monitored crossings, and contributed to reconstruction projects, solidifying its position as a multifaceted actor in Sinai.
However, this image has not prevented rising human rights criticisms. International organizations such as “Human Rights Watch” and “Sinai Human Rights Foundation” have documented the involvement of union members in extrajudicial killings during clashes with “Wilayat Sinai” militants, describing some of these violations as potential “war crimes.” These organizations have expressed concerns about the lack of transparency and legal oversight of militia activities, especially as they have been armed and granted broad powers by the state.
Reports by the “Sinai Human Rights Foundation” in 2024 also highlighted the continued influence of the union, which has been used to secure official visits, carry out engineering works, and forcibly evacuate land and residents under its protection, exacerbating the issue of forced displacement in North Sinai. Human rights activists have warned that the state’s reliance on these formations poses a threat to the future of the civil and legal state in Egypt, risking the creation of a “parallel militia” with security and economic influence that is difficult to control.
Al-Argani has gained significant influence over the past years. According to the Sinai Human Rights Foundation, Al-Argani became the first civilian to land a plane at Al-Jura military airport since 1982, a base for multinational forces in southern Sheikh Zuweid in North Sinai. The foundation published a video showing Al-Argani with his son inside the Al-Jura camp, with a government plane (Gulfstream 4) in the background, which had transported him from Almaza Airbase in Cairo to the Al-Jura camp in Sinai. Such a reception inside a military base only occurs in specific cases, such as when a foreign military attaché arrives, raising questions about the significance of Al-Argani’s role.
Al-Argani, originally from the city of Sheikh Zuweid in North Sinai, was released in 2010 after being detained for about two years due to clashes between the police and Sinai tribes. At that time, Sinai Bedouins were accused of holding dozens of security personnel hostage. News spread that the Bedouins of North Sinai had released 25 Egyptian police recruits, including a senior officer, after kidnapping them for several hours in protest over the killing of one of them by police. Since then, Al-Argani’s name has become synonymous with wealth and vast influence in Egypt. His company, “Sons of Sinai,” facilitated the entry of materials necessary for the reconstruction of Gaza after it was subjected to a wide-scale Israeli attack in 2014.
Despite the contributions of Al-Argani’s formations in reducing the influence of extremist organizations, the future of these entities remains a matter of debate. For some, they are a successful model of cooperation between the state and the local community in combating terrorism, while for others, they represent a ticking time bomb that could explode if they turn into an independent armed force imposing its reality on the ground.
Despite the Egyptian authorities announcing on several occasions, notably in 2022, that the armed forces had successfully eliminated most terrorist hotspots in North Sinai and ended the bloodiest phase of confrontation with the “Wilayat Sinai” organization, the field scene reveals the continued presence of armed tribal formations, led by the Sinai Tribes Union, with the same strength and influence they gained during years of conflict. While declared terrorist operations have decreased, and the state has started talking about development and reconstruction plans for the governorate, these formations continue to play security and logistical roles on the ground and have expanded into the economic field, managing crossings and commercial activities.
Finally, the murder of the young man Yasser Firas Abu Amro reveals the fragility of the security equation in North Sinai and the stark contradiction between the official narrative declaring the end of the war on terrorism and the reality of the continued activities of irregular armed entities possessing weapons and influence, operating alongside state institutions. While human rights activists call for a transparent judicial investigation and the disarmament of these formations, many fear that the continuation of the current situation will entrench the logic of “force above the law,” creating a fertile environment for recurring clashes and tribal revenge. In the absence of decisive steps to address this issue, the future of security in Sinai remains precariously balanced, vulnerable to collapse at the first spark.
