Despite the approaching constitutional date for Egypt’s Senate elections in August 2025, the political and media landscape is marked by stagnation, with the usual electoral activity completely absent. A few weeks before the election, no candidates have been clearly announced, and there are no visible promotional campaigns or debates in the media or on social media platforms, reflecting the limited public engagement with the election and its detachment from public interest.
On Tuesday, July 1, the National Election Authority, chaired by Counselor Hazem Badawy, announced the official timeline for the 2025 Senate elections. According to the timeline, the nomination submission phase will begin on Saturday, July 5, and continue until Thursday, July 10. The list of candidates will be announced the following day, Friday, July 11, with the Administrative Court set to consider any possible appeals from Monday, July 14, to Wednesday, July 16.
The final list of candidates will be announced on Friday, July 18, marking the start of election campaigns. Sunday, July 20, will be the last day to withdraw candidacies, while the election silence period will begin on July 31.
Voting for Egyptians abroad will take place on August 1 and 2, while residents inside Egypt will vote on August 4 and 5. The final results of the first round will be announced on August 12, with the resumption of the campaign period for any potential runoff elections on the same day.
The Constitution requires that both the Senate and House of Representatives elections be held no later than 60 days before the expiration of each chamber’s term. Accordingly, the Senate elections are scheduled for August, followed by the House of Representatives elections in November.
The Senate consists of 300 members, one-third of whom are elected through closed lists, another third through individual seats, while the remaining third is appointed by the President. The law mandates that at least 10% of the seats be allocated to women.
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Elections That Fail to Spark Interest
As Egyptian political parties, both pro-government and opposition, prepare for the Senate elections scheduled for August 2025, this upcoming event remains largely ignored by the public. While social media platforms are abuzz with daily interactions on controversial issues, discussions surrounding the elections are almost entirely absent, reflecting a high degree of political indifference toward the entire process.
Hamdiy Qashta, a leader in the Dostour Party and a member of its Youth Secretariat, believes that this public absence reflects a broader political stagnation, compounded by a negative public perception of the performance of both chambers of parliament in the previous session, which he describes as “disappointing,” due to a clear decline in both legislative and oversight roles. This, he argues, has contributed to the deepening public disengagement from following political affairs.
In his statement to “Zawia3,” Qashta points out that the structure of the Senate itself contributes to this detachment. He explains that one-third of the members are elected via closed lists, another third through individual seats, while the final third are appointed by the president, which, in his view, makes the Senate distant from representing the popular will.
He adds that the closed-list system excludes diversity and prevents multiple voices from emerging within the Senate. He cites the lists for Upper Egypt and Cairo, each containing 37 candidates selected in one go, despite the vast geographical areas these lists represent.
Qashta also criticizes what he perceives as the Senate’s lack of an effective role in political and legislative life, considering its presence to be more of a “favor to specific political circles.” The gap between the authority and society, he notes, has evolved from being one of separation to becoming a reversed form, as over the last few years, laws and decisions have been issued that clearly contradict the interests and needs of the citizens.
Despite this bleak picture, Qashta believes that the House of Representatives elections, scheduled for November, might offer some relief, given the House’s direct legislative powers that affect the lives of citizens, unlike the Senate, which has a more limited advisory role.
Dr. Mustafa Kamel El-Sayed, a political science professor, asserts that the lack of interest in the Senate elections reflects a deeper crisis stemming from the erosion of public trust in parliament. He attributes this to the fact that both the House of Representatives and the Senate have failed to meet citizens’ expectations over the years, as neither has played an active role in holding the government accountable or genuinely engaging with issues that impact the daily lives of people.
In his statement to “Zawia3,” El-Sayed notes that the most significant issues capturing public attention were primarily discussed on social media platforms, with little to no reflection in parliamentary proceedings. These issues, he explains, were often ignored, further deepening the trust gap between citizens and the legislative institution.
He adds that one aspect of the crisis is the lack of transparency and communication breakdown between parliament and the public. While House sessions were once broadcast live, this coverage has since stopped, making it more difficult to access session minutes. He continues, “On one hand, neither chamber fulfills its oversight and political duties effectively; on the other hand, neither makes an effort to inform the public about what is happening within the sessions, which exacerbates feelings of isolation and public disengagement.”
El-Sayed clarifies that the current electoral system gives a clear advantage to pro-government parties, weakening the competitive nature of the electoral process and diminishing incentives for participation, particularly in the absence of real political alternatives or guarantees of effective pluralism.
Regarding the upcoming House of Representatives elections, Dr. Mustafa anticipates a largely similar situation with only minor formal differences. He says, “We may witness a broader field presence, such as campaign tours for pro-government party candidates, and perhaps greater media coverage, but that doesn’t necessarily mean a higher participation rate, as the factors that caused public disinterest remain in place.”
He concludes by noting that one factor that might influence the nature of the competition is the distribution of electoral lists between the Mostaqbal Watan Party and the National Front Alliance, as the two main blocs representing the power. He points out that the details of seat distribution between the two sides have not been finalized yet, raising questions within political circles.
New Alliance Between Opposition and Pro-Government Parties
On Thursday, July 3, 2025, the first coordination meeting for the political parties and forces participating in the “National List for Egypt” took place at the headquarters of the General Secretariat of the Mostaqbal Watan Party, as part of the preparations for the upcoming Senate elections.
The meeting lasted for about three hours, during which attendees discussed the general lines for coordinating efforts among the participating forces, the arrangements for preparing electoral lists, and the initial outlines of the joint political program that will be presented during the electoral campaign.
The meeting included representatives from 13 political parties and alliances, namely: (Mostaqbal Watan Party, Hamat Watan Party, National Front Party, People’s Republican Party, Egyptian Social Democratic Party, Conference Party, Wafd Party, Reform and Development Party, Justice Party, Tagammu Party, Egyptian Freedom Party, Erada Jeel Party, and the Youth Coordination of Political Parties).
This meeting is considered the first practical step for the electoral alliance that will contest the upcoming elections under the umbrella of the “National List for Egypt,” which has previously taken center stage in past electoral events. The participating parties are scheduled to continue their meetings in the coming days to discuss the technical details related to seat distribution and candidate selection.
An informed source told Zawia3 that negotiations regarding the seat distribution in the electoral lists are still ongoing at the time of writing this report, and have not been finalized yet. However, initial indicators suggest that the Mostaqbal Watan Party will retain the largest share of seats, being the most influential and organized political force in the current political scene. It is expected that the Hamat Watan Party will occupy a prominent position within the lists, while the National Front Party, a new player on the political scene, is likely to gain additional representation, although its size and influence are not comparable to Mostaqbal Watan’s.
The inclusion of three opposition-affiliated parties— the Egyptian Social Democratic Party, Justice Party, and Reform and Development Party— in the “National List for Egypt” is a significant development, especially since it follows less than six weeks after these parties announced their participation in the “Democratic Path Coalition,” which was supposed to present an alternative for the Senate elections.
This shift in positions came just one day after the parliamentary session in which the final vote on the amendments to the Old Rent Law took place. The amendments were passed despite wide objections expressed by the deputies of the three parties, who withdrew from the session in protest over what they described as the “passing of the law despite fundamental reservations raised during the discussions,” while the majority of the pro-government parties voted in favor of the government’s draft law.
On her part, MP Maha Abdel-Nasser, Vice President of the Egyptian Social Democratic Party, acknowledges the clear public disinterest and apathy towards the upcoming Senate elections, noting that this disengagement is not solely due to the weak political movement but also reflects a deeper crisis in the relationship between the government and society.
In her statement to Zawia3, Abdel-Nasser said that, despite the party’s reservations, they decided to participate in the elections through the closed-list system, explaining that this decision came after an internal discussion that concluded there were no real alternatives for political participation given the current circumstances. She added, “We participate, but we know that the political space in Egypt has become nearly closed. The state has significantly reduced the political space, which has greatly affected society as a whole.”
The Vice President of the Egyptian Social Democratic Party further points out that the country’s difficult economic conditions, coupled with regional challenges, have exacerbated the general sense of frustration and political disengagement. She added, “There is a real sense of disconnection between politicians and the citizens.”
In this context, Mohamed Ali, Media Secretary of Mostaqbal Watan in Imbaba until the official formation is released, confirms that the party has made significant progress in preparing its electoral lists, and that a specialized committee is currently reviewing the names and selections with great attention to detail, in accordance with standards that ensure competence and balanced representation of various segments of society.
Regarding individual seats, Ali said in his statement to Zawia3 that Mostaqbal Watan has a strong and extensive organizational base across different governorates, enabling it to cover most of the individual constituencies with candidates from the party. He added, “We have a nearly final plan for the seats we will contest under the individual system, but this plan is still under final review and will be announced soon after completing ongoing consultations between the party secretariats in the governorates.”
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The Civil Movement Has Yet to Step Out of the Preparatory Stage
While the majority party, “Mostaqbal Watan,” is finalizing the electoral list it will use in the Senate elections, in partnership with 12 other parties, including some considered part of the opposition, the Democratic Civil Movement has yet to announce its final stance on participating in the elections. It has also not revealed any potential candidate lists.
This hesitation raises questions about the movement’s readiness to engage in the electoral process, especially in light of what it considers a “political closure” and a “lack of guarantees for integrity and pluralism.”
For his part, Walid Al-Omari, the spokesperson for the Democratic Civil Movement, states that the movement is currently studying the electoral map in preparation for the upcoming Senate and House of Representatives elections. It is considering putting forward a number of candidates for individual seats, whether from its member parties or public figures who align with its principles. He clarified that the final candidate lists will be announced soon, after completing the review of constituency distribution and assessing the chances for competition.
In a related context, Al-Omari explains the decline in public interest in the Senate elections as a result of what he describes as the “ambiguity surrounding the Senate’s role.” He says, “The average citizen does not feel the presence of the Senate and does not see an active role for it that addresses their demands or reflects their daily priorities.” He points out that the absence of live broadcasts of the sessions of both the Senate and the House of Representatives has widened the gap between citizens and what is happening within the legislative institutions. He adds, “Live coverage of the sessions could have given citizens a sense of oversight and accountability, but the current ban on such broadcasts reinforces the feeling of political isolation.”
Al-Omari also criticizes the closed-list system applied in parliamentary elections, considering that it excludes a wide spectrum of political forces and leads to “weak pluralism within elected councils, the absence of oversight balance, and legislation that favors the government.” He links the public’s disinterest in voting to the “deep imbalances in the electoral system, which does not open the door for broad participation or fair representation.”
The discussion about the Senate elections takes place in a politically and economically strained context, where Egyptians are facing increasing living pressures amid widespread debate over several economic and social issues, including the recent passing of the Old Rent Law, which sparked objections and criticisms from various professional and popular groups.
While political parties continue their efforts to finalize the closed lists and individual seats, there is a clear absence of public interest or societal engagement with these electoral processes, reflecting a state of political disengagement.
Amid this silent electoral scene, the Senate elections seem to be taking place in isolation from public opinion, within an electoral system that restricts pluralism and weakens the chances for genuine representation. This only deepens the gap between elected institutions and citizens, who now feel that their living priorities are not genuinely reflected in the political agenda.
