Mohamed El-Sayed was not yet seventeen when he left his home in the village of El-Ayed, in Belbeis district, Sharqia Governorate, on a scorching July morning last year. He walked hesitantly, carrying within him a dream larger than the limits of his small village, and a hope for a decent life in a new land — without telling anyone in his family where he was going. He did not know that his quest for a “better life” would lead him into a real hell, and that even returning to the poverty he once fled would become an unattainable dream.
El-Sayed was a student at the Industrial Technical Secondary School when he met, through the internet, a man who claimed he could smuggle him to Italy via Alexandria. When he told his father, the latter strongly objected and warned him about the dangers of irregular migration, reminding him that he had neither a passport nor any legal travel documents. The father promised to join a gamiya (a rotating savings group) to collect the money for a legal journey later. But the next day, the family was shocked to discover his sudden disappearance — he had left without saying goodbye.
At first, his parents thought their son was working with his uncle as a “tile layer” to earn money and help the modest family. But the truth soon surfaced when a young man from the village told them that “El-Sayed” was on his way to Libya, preparing to cross into Italy by sea.
The father recalls that grim night when he received a call from his son just after midnight. The boy said he had reached Salloum with a group of smugglers led by a man called “Abu Adham” from Mansoura, whom he had met online. He said around five or six young men from their village were with him and that they would have to hand over their phones before entering Libya. Then the line went dead. Later, the smuggler contacted the father, demanding 220,000 pounds ($4,400) to complete the journey to Italy, or 50,000 pounds ($1,000) to bring him back to Egypt. The helpless father refused — he simply did not have the money.
The last call the father received from his son came from inside a detention center in Bir Al-Ghanam, a small town in Libya’s Al-Zawiya Governorate, about 90 kilometers from Tripoli. The young man told him that the smugglers were holding him and demanding 120,000 pounds ($2,400) for his release. Days later, the father learned that his son had been captured by Libyan authorities after the car carrying him and others was raided.
Mohamed El-Sayed told Zawia3:
“My son contacted me only about twenty days ago through WhatsApp messages. He said I caused him trouble because of a post I wrote about him on Facebook. He told me they beat and humiliated him because of it, and asked me not to post anything again. He said the Libyan authorities had promised to release minors under 16, as well as the elderly and the sick, but he hasn’t been released yet, even though some groups of detainees were freed recently.”
The father continued, his voice trembling:
“From our village alone, around fifty boys aged between 15 and 16 left last June. Some made it to Italy, others are still detained in Libyan prisons, and some have disappeared completely.”
He added that one of the young men who returned from Libya told him that his son was still held in Bir Al-Ghanam, where migrants endure “extremely harsh treatment”:
“He told me they only get one loaf of bread a day, are beaten and insulted, and treated like animals.”
To this day, El-Sayed remains imprisoned in Bir Al-Ghanam, one of the harshest detention centers in Libya, housing hundreds of irregular migrants — including minors. His father has knocked on every door: he filed a complaint with Egypt’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and contacted MP Sahar Atman, who promised to intervene, but nothing has changed.
The father ends his statement with a cry of despair:
“We call on the Egyptian authorities, especially the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, to intervene urgently to rescue our detained sons in Libya. I’ve submitted every possible request, but no one replies. We don’t know our children’s fate, and we’re told the Egyptian embassy doesn’t coordinate with the Libyan authorities responsible for releasing them.”
Meanwhile, in the village of Abanoub in Assiut Governorate, Upper Egypt, Camellia Armanious lives with her child in constant anguish since her son, Abram George Saad, 22, left on November 26 last year with three other young men from Abanoub and Al-Fath districts of Assiut, seeking a better life in Italy. The family sold their only rural home — everything they owned — and borrowed the rest of the money to pay a broker for the irregular migration journey.
Camellia recounts the details of her son’s trip with his three companions. They traveled to Libya last year and stayed with a man who organized irregular migration journeys. After months of waiting in Libya, they sailed from the Libyan coast on April 11, but since that day, all contact was lost — as if the sea had swallowed them in silence. Their families began a desperate search for any trace.
The four families clung to any lead that could reveal the truth. Some paid large sums to people who promised help. They contacted Egyptian intermediaries in Libya — one of whom told them their sons were detained in Bir Al-Ghanam prison and demanded 17,000 Libyan dinars (around $3,500) for each to secure their release. But hope quickly faded when the intermediary later said the authorities had decided to deport all detainees, and there was still no sign of Abram or his companions.
Camellia told Zawia3:
“We follow all the news about Bir Al-Ghanam prison. There were reports about 45 Egyptians being deported from the center to southern Libya, but our sons’ names weren’t among them. I spoke to one of those deported — he said the entire ward he was in was emptied, but he didn’t see Abram or any of the other young men.”
Explaining what pushed her son to migrate, she said:
“My husband passed away four years ago, leaving me with two sons, Abram and Thomas. Abram couldn’t find any job in Assiut. He wanted to travel to build his future and get married like other young men. We live in my father’s house under very difficult financial conditions. My son had an industrial diploma and hoped to find work in Italy after failing to find any in Egypt.”
She confirms that the families of the four young men are all suffering the same ordeal — they do not know where their sons are being held, whether still in Bir Al-Ghanam or transferred elsewhere. They follow the news daily and search social media for any clue, but in vain.
The Libyan National Council for Freedoms and Human Rights has called on the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to contact the embassies and consulates responsible for detained migrants and urged them to expedite the issuance of travel documents. It emphasized the need for international coordination to support national efforts in managing irregular migration.
This call followed a field visit by a human rights team from the Council to the Bir Al-Ghanam detention center for irregular migrants. The report released after the visit revealed that more than 600 migrants were living in dire humanitarian conditions due to delays by some diplomatic missions in finalizing their citizens’ paperwork and because of the administrative shortcomings of the center.
In a statement published on September 23, the Council stressed the need to organize deportations in accordance with international standards and to strengthen cooperation with international organizations, particularly the International Organization for Migration (IOM), to expand voluntary return and humanitarian support programs. It also called for technical and financial support from donor countries and organizations to Libyan national institutions, ensuring effective migration management and the protection of migrants’ rights and dignity within a balanced legal and humanitarian framework.
For his part, the Deputy Head of Libya’s Directorate for Combating Illegal Migration in the western region conducted a field visit to the Bir Al-Ghanam shelter on September 21, to inspect migrants’ conditions. In a short video released by the directorate, the deputy is seen standing before Egyptian minors sitting on the ground, promising them that they would soon be released.
Money for Freedom
On August 23, 2021, Hassan Salah Atiya Ibrahim (33) and his cousin Hussein Hatem Hassan Atiya Ibrahim (20) boarded a boat carrying around forty young men from their village in Abu Hammad district, Sharqia Governorate, bound for Italy. But the sea turned against them, as did their families’ lives afterward. Some passengers drowned, and their bodies were returned to Egypt. Hassan and Hussein were among the survivors, transferred to a hospital with other injured passengers—only to be arrested later by Libyan authorities.
Salah Atiya, Hassan’s father, told Zawia3 that a local broker had organized the journey, which departed from Tripoli, Libya, in exchange for 80,000 Egyptian pounds ($1,600) per person. The broker fled after the boat sank. A month after the survivors were detained—including Hassan and Hussein—Salah learned where they were held when their photos circulated online from inside Bir Al-Ghanam Prison. Later, others who had been imprisoned there confirmed that the two cousins were being kept in a different ward. Salah then went to Egypt’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and filed an official complaint. He found both names listed on a deportation waiting list of 105 detainees — a list reviewed by Zawia3 — but soon afterward, all news of them ceased.
He said:
“We received calls from people demanding money in exchange for promises of their release. Each family paid about 4,000 pounds ($80), but we lost our money for nothing. We later realized it was a scam. We filed official complaints with the Egyptian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and contacted MP Sahar Atman, who submitted a request to the concerned authorities to follow up on the case, but we never received any official reply from the Egyptian Consulate in Libya.”
The stories told by parents and relatives who spoke to Zawia3 resemble that of Ahmed Ahmed Mohamed (30), who left his village in Fayoum Governorate and traveled to Libya in 2023 for work. In May 2025, smugglers convinced him to join an irregular migration journey to Italy. His family lost contact with him soon after and heard nothing until his name appeared on a Facebook page called “A Migrant’s Story,” which publishes lists of missing persons from irregular migration trips. The family later discovered his name on a list of detainees in a Libyan prison—though the name of the facility was not specified. When his cousin contacted the person who had posted the list—a Libyan citizen named Abu Faris from Sirte—he claimed Ahmed was being held in Bir Al-Ghanam and demanded 15,000 Libyan dinars ($3,100) for his release, according to the family’s account to Zawia3.
Over recent months, Egyptian families of detained workers and migrants held in the Bir Al-Ghanam area of Libya have repeatedly issued pleas for information about their loved ones, revealing that they, too, have received phone calls demanding money in exchange for their relatives’ release.
In most cases, irregular migrants arrested in Libya are released only after paying money—except for one facility known as “Maqarr Habsa” (the Detention Headquarters), which is designated for drug addicts and narcotics cases. Other prisons, such as Tripoli Prison, Bir Al-Ghanam, and Airport Prison, are officially government-run but in practice controlled by militias. These groups determine the ransom demanded for each detainee, which typically ranges between 10,000 and 25,000 Libyan dinars ($2,000–$5,000). Some families manage to pay and reclaim their relatives, while others cannot, according to a local source who spoke to Zawia3.
Maged Mohamed (a pseudonym) recounted to Zawia3 his experience of being detained for several months in one of these Libyan prisons because he lacked residency papers in Tripoli. He said food was extremely scarce—only half a loaf of bread and a small piece of cheese shared between two people. The water was contaminated, and only about one liter was distributed among dozens of detainees, leading to frequent violent fights driven by hunger and thirst. Guards would then hang prisoners upside down by their legs and beat them with water hoses.
He added that medicines were nearly nonexistent, and the doctor refused to approach prisoners, claiming fear of infection. During his detention, Maged developed skin diseases and infections caused by unsanitary living conditions.
He described the prison as follows:
“The prison consists of ten wards, each about a hundred square meters, holding at least seven hundred people. In some wards, there are more than thirteen hundred. The detainees come from all nationalities — Egyptians, Sudanese, Moroccans, Chadians, and people from Niger and Mali as well.”
Calls for Egyptian Embassy Action
In recent days, a group of Egyptian minors who had been detained at the Bir Al-Ghanam center were reportedly handed over to Libya’s Directorate for Combating Illegal Migration – Southern Region Branch, in a procedure carried out without any official announcement or public statement from either of the two relevant bodies, according to the Libyan Rescue Room. The organization noted that the number of minors transferred did not exceed 45, while the fate of the remaining detainees remains unclear amid a total absence of transparency or official statements regarding their current situation.
In a public statement, the Rescue Room urged Egyptian families to contact the Egyptian Embassy in Libya immediately to follow up on the fate of their detained children and to verify whether they had indeed been repatriated to Egypt or were still held in Libyan detention centers. The organization stressed that the continuing ambiguity surrounding this issue requires swift official action and clear diplomatic coordination to ensure the protection and safety of these minors.
Tarek Lamloum, a researcher on migration and asylum issues in Libya and the Executive Director of the Libyan Organization for Relief and Human Rights, revealed that the organization had received complaints from families of detainees reporting extortion demands of around 13,000 Libyan dinars ($2,700) for the release of their relatives held in Bir Al-Ghanam.
In a post on Facebook, Lamloum called on families receiving such calls or ransom demands to contact the Libyan National Council for Freedoms and Human Rights directly, describing it as a governmental body that had previously visited the detention center and issued an official report that made no mention of degrading treatment inside the prison.
He added that the Directorate for Combating Illegal Migration must publicly clarify what is happening inside the center, emphasizing that both the Directorate and the National Council for Freedoms and Human Rights bear legal and administrative responsibility, and that both will be held accountable if the ambiguity continues. He noted that the Directorate in Tripoli cannot disclaim responsibility by claiming that Bir Al-Ghanam is an “unofficial center,” while it continues to operate openly, receiving visits from embassies and governmental human rights delegations—facts that reinforce its de facto official status.
Lamloum stressed that the head and deputy head of the Directorate must resolve their internal disputes and coordinate effectively, warning that ongoing division obstructs efforts to protect detainees and assist victims. He cautioned that silence and failure to clarify the center’s legal status will place all concerned parties within the circle of responsibility.
Speaking to Zawia3, Lamloum explained that the detention of Egyptian minors and adults in the Bir Al-Ghanam area—located about 50 kilometers from Tripoli—is linked to the complex dynamics of irregular migration. He noted that Bir Al-Ghanam has a poor reputation and has never received full official recognition from Libyan authorities: the Deputy Head of the Directorate recognizes it, while the Head of the Directorate refuses to do so. This contradiction raises questions about the center’s legal legitimacy, which, according to Lamloum, is under the command of a military figure but administratively falls under the Ministry of Interior.
He said:
“Most of the detainees in this center, especially the minors, were intercepted at sea while trying to migrate from the shores of Tripoli or other Libyan coasts. Some were arrested in Tunisian waters and later transferred from Tunisia to Libya before being placed in Bir Al-Ghanam. Their detention did not result from arrests in streets or homes, but from failed attempts at irregular migration.”
Lamloum added that available information suggests these detainees were handed over to Libyan governmental entities as a prelude to their return to Egypt—and that such a transfer may have already taken place following the Egyptian Embassy’s intervention to secure their repatriation. However, he warned that their overland transfer to southern Libya was extremely dangerous, given that the region is unsafe and that travel by bus exposes migrants to potential attacks or kidnappings by armed smuggling networks demanding ransom from families, or even to being caught in crossfire between Libyan forces and armed groups operating in those areas.
He criticized the lack of transparency surrounding the transfer of the minors and the handling of their case, emphasizing that both Libyan authorities and the Egyptian Embassy have failed to clearly disclose their whereabouts or condition. Lamloum said that while the Egyptian Embassy indeed faces major difficulties in dealing with the divided Libyan security apparatus—split between eastern and western governments—this does not absolve it of responsibility toward its citizens, especially children and minors held in facilities with disputed legal status.
He added:
“The Egyptian Embassy should have publicly stated, from the very beginning, the obstacles it faced in following up on the case—especially since Libya’s Ministries of Interior and Foreign Affairs in Tripoli do not officially recognize Bir Al-Ghanam, which prevents diplomatic missions from visiting it. Why has the embassy remained silent despite knowing that children have been detained there for months? What happened is a grave risk, and now the embassy must take full responsibility by disclosing the fate of these minors and clarifying whether they have indeed returned to Egypt.”
The researcher stressed that the Libyan authorities, represented by the government and the Ministry of Interior, bear direct responsibility for the safety of the detained children, while the Egyptian Embassy and diplomatic mission share part of that responsibility as well. “It is unacceptable,” he said, “for anyone to claim ignorance of their whereabouts while Egyptian families continue to report missing sons who are believed to have either drowned at sea or been detained in Libya.”
Lamloum concluded his statement to Zawia3 by reaffirming that the Egyptian Embassy was aware of the detention case from the beginning and is therefore fully responsible for following up on the fate of the minors. He emphasized that the true number of detainees remains unknown—some sources mention that only 40 to 45 individuals were transferred to the south—while the number of complaints filed by Egyptian families is significantly higher. This, he said, keeps both the Libyan Ministry of Interior and the Egyptian Embassy equally accountable.
Harsh Conditions of Detention
Lawyer Ahmed El-Qossaby, a specialist in migration and criminal law, revealed dozens of testimonies from survivors who had been detained in Libya on charges related to irregular migration. He said they were subjected to harsh treatment, deprived of food and water, and that some were even sold to human trafficking gangs, as they had no legal status or protection. Speaking to Zawia3, he confirmed that there have been numerous cases of forced disappearance involving people who left Egypt through irregular routes two or three years ago; their families are still searching for them at airports and border crossings, to no avail. “No one knows whether they died, drowned, or were kidnapped,” he said.
El-Qossaby explained that migrants are sometimes held in pits or tents in the desert, where food and water are almost entirely unavailable. They are beaten, insulted, and tortured. He recalled meeting one survivor whose body still bore clear marks of torture — he had been assaulted merely for asking to return to his family. Some gangs, El-Qossaby said, force detainees to call their families and demand ransom payments; even after receiving the money, the captors do not release the victims but instead demand additional sums. Several families have paid multiple times without ever seeing their sons again.
He told Zawia3:
“Irregular migrants expose themselves to multiple risks, starting with legal dangers — they can be prosecuted as defendants in smuggling or irregular migration cases, which may carry sentences of life imprisonment and fines up to 1 million Egyptian pounds ($20,000). They also face humanitarian and security risks in the countries they migrate to, living in constant fear and hiding from authorities. Many fall prey to human trafficking networks, organ traders, or suffer sexual harassment, assault, or exploitation in illegal labor.”
El-Qossaby added that many migrants die during the journey — either from hunger in the desert on overland routes or by drowning during unsafe sea crossings. He said the gangs that organize these trips treat migrants brutally, confining them in inhumane conditions. Based on testimonies from victims he defended, he recounted that detainees were given only one meal per day, consisting of a loaf of bread, a small piece of cheese, and a bottle of water, alongside repeated humiliation, verbal abuse, and physical assault.
He emphasized that irregular migrants traveling through Libya and across the Mediterranean face three main types of dangers:
Legal risks, related to prosecution either in their home country or in the destination country.
Psychological risks, caused by fear, stress, and the traumatic experiences they endure.
Physical risks, including the possibility of falling victim to human trafficking, organ trading, torture, or exploitation.
He added:
“Irregular migration cases are among the most serious criminal issues linked to migration and human trafficking. The Egyptian legislator dedicated a specific law to them — Law No. 280 of 2016, later amended as Law No. 22 of 2022. Despite the state’s efforts to curb the phenomenon through stricter laws and harsher penalties — especially when the victims are women or children — the practice persists due to poor education, lack of job opportunities, and deteriorating economic conditions. These factors drive many to follow smugglers’ promises of a better future abroad, paying sums ranging from 100,000 to 200,000 pounds ($2,000–$4,000) — only to end up facing one of four fates: survival, arrest, death, or torture.”
Egypt ranks second in the number of irregular migrants traveling to Europe by sea or land routes across the Mediterranean. Between January and December 2021, around 7,938 Egyptian migrants reached European shores — particularly Greece, Malta, and Italy — according to a study published by the Strategic Forum for Public Policy and Development Studies (Diraya).
Egyptians also rank second among migrants crossing through the Central Mediterranean Route, which includes the Tunisian and Libyan coasts — a path described as the most dangerous. Libya, according to migration-monitoring organizations, ranked first in the number of migrants departing for Italy since the beginning of 2024.
A Dangerous Gateway to Europe
The phenomenon of irregular migration in North Africa has become a seasonal movement, peaking during the summer months when the sea is calmer. Despite increased border controls, migration attempts continue from Libya and Tunisia, and sometimes from Morocco and Algeria, depending on the level of security enforcement in each area. There is a worrying surge in the number of unaccompanied minors attempting the journey alone — a trend that, according to experts, threatens the future of the region. Protests currently unfolding in Morocco may even trigger a new wave of migration toward Europe in the coming period, explains Dr. Basma Fouad, an expert in migration affairs and Executive Director of the International Independents Foundation.
She told Zawia3:
“The rush of young people and minors toward irregular migration is driven by the illusion of Europe as paradise. Social media platforms export a glamorous image of luxury and success abroad, without revealing the harsh reality migrants face once they arrive. While some minors are granted education and residency opportunities in European countries, adult migrants are often detained or prosecuted — which explains the sharp rise in attempts among minors in particular.”
Fouad emphasized that ignorance, rather than poverty, is the most dangerous factor fueling this phenomenon. Many young people, she said, have little understanding of migration laws or the realities awaiting them abroad. “A single migration journey can cost up to 15,000 euros ($16,000) — an amount that could fund a small business at home. But loss of hope and the urge to imitate others exacerbate the crisis, especially in rural areas, where young people seek to repeat the experiences of others without knowing their details. Thus, the quest for a better life often turns into a slow death on the freezing streets of Europe.”
Regarding the situation in Libya, the migration expert described it as a “human tragedy”, saying the country has become a dangerous gateway to Europe, not a destination for work or settlement. She explained that Egyptian migrants entering Libya face a web of smugglers, brokers, and militias, and are treated as “human commodities” — kidnapped, sold, and detained in inhumane conditions inside overcrowded centers that lack food and medical care. They are left with only two grim options: risking death at sea or returning to Egypt psychologically and financially shattered.
As for the role of Egyptian embassies and consulates, Fouad explained that their ability to intervene is legally limited, as most irregular migrants deliberately dispose of their identification documents to facilitate asylum requests or conceal their identity. Some even adopt foreign accents to mislead European authorities, but these tricks are usually exposed by specialized investigation committees. She clarified that embassies cannot provide assistance to anyone without valid identification, and many migrants avoid consular contact out of fear of deportation — rendering state intervention almost impossible.
On solutions to curb the crisis, Fouad stressed that the answer lies not in prohibition but in creating alternatives. She called for expanding free or low-cost vocational training programs linked to legal and safe migration channels.
She noted that European labor markets are in urgent need of skilled workers in agriculture, nursing, mechanics, and construction, and that providing such training in Egypt could open the door to dignified, lawful migration. Egypt has already begun moving in this direction, she said, through youth training programs that include language and vocational preparation before travel.
Fouad cited the Italian “Mattei Plan”, which supports youth training in countries such as Egypt in preparation for legal migration. These initiatives, she said, offer a dual benefit — meeting Europe’s demand for skilled labor while improving Egypt’s domestic economy and increasing foreign currency inflows through remittances, a key source of national income.
The phenomenon of Egyptian minors migrating to Europe via Libya is one of the most alarming aspects of irregular migration, despite Egypt’s multi-level efforts to combat it — through security, media, legal, and development measures. The Egyptian authorities have successfully tightened control over northern coastal borders, preventing smuggling boats from departing there. However, smuggling routes have shifted to the western desert border with Libya, exploiting its vast, unfenced stretches of sand and moving dunes, which make full surveillance nearly impossible, according to Dr. Ayman Zohry, a migration and population expert, founder of the Egyptian Society for Migration Studies, and member of the National Council for Human Rights.
Zohry explained that the National Council for Childhood and Motherhood closely monitors this issue and assumes legal guardianship of minors whose families refuse to receive them after they reach Europe. He pointed out that European law, particularly Italian law, prohibits the deportation of minors, making the issue more complex. Although Egypt and Italy signed a bilateral agreement in 2007 for the repatriation of irregular migrants, some parents have exploited this legal gap: instead of sending adults on risky journeys, they now send their children, aged 11 to 12, hoping they will be placed in European care centers rather than returned to Egypt. But these children endure harrowing experiences, rife with abuse and grave human rights violations, and some lose their lives before ever reaching safety.
He told Zawia3:
“Some children fail to reach Europe and are sent back from Libya, while others make it to the Italian coast and are placed in temporary care facilities. Many, however, escape from these centers in search of relatives or acquaintances, hoping to find work, repay the cost of the journey, and send money home to their families in Egypt.”
Zohry added that smuggling gangs are highly active along the Libyan border, trafficking both people and goods, exploiting the terrain’s geography. He emphasized that the phenomenon cannot be eradicated completely: “Even major powers like the United States, which built a wall along its border with Mexico, have failed to stop smuggling and illegal crossings altogether.”
The National Council for Human Rights member acknowledged that while economic hardship drives many Egyptians toward migration, it does not justify risking children’s lives. He called for intensified awareness campaigns in rural villages and high-risk areas where the travel of minors is most prevalent.
Zohry concluded his remarks to Zawia3 by affirming that Egypt treats the issue as both a national security and humanitarian concern, and that eradicating it requires serious international cooperation between countries of origin and destination. He stressed the need for continued community awareness and support for the poorest families, so that they are not forced to send their children on these deadly journeys.
As many Egyptians — including minors — remain detained in Libyan prisons and detention centers under harsh conditions, without clear charges, due process, or contact with their families, their humanity erodes day by day, sustained only by faint hopes and fleeting phone calls confirming they are still alive. Families cling to rumors, and only timid human rights efforts persist amid official inaction.
Testimonies from families and rights advocates reveal that the plight of detained Egyptian minors in Libya is no longer just a humanitarian crisis, but a moral and legal test of the commitment of both the Egyptian and Libyan governments to their responsibilities toward children and victims of irregular migration.
